Tag Archives: awami league

1954

March: The United Front (Awami League and the Krishak Sramik Party) wins most of the seats in the East Bengal Legislative Assembly. Sheikh Mujib was elected to the East Bengal Legislative Assembly and serving briefly as the minister for agriculture.

Sheikh Mujib taking oath as a Prime Minister

March-October: The Bengali dominated United Front Government (East Bengal leg. Assembly) is dismissed by the Governor General of Pakistan. The Governor General imposes his direct rule in East Pakistan.

1952

shahid meenar

Ekushey February (21st February) – The International Mother Language Day:

“Politicians and students join their forces for a broader movement under the leadership of Maulana Bhashani of Awami League. As demonstrations and unrests seem to get out of control, the Government cracks down by imposing a curfew in Dhaka; a number of demonstrators are killed in front of the Dhaka Medical College over a period of one week (February 21-27, 1952). Hundreds and thousands of people took the streets to protests unanimously and the seeds of Bangladeshi nationalism was sown during that mobement.”

Pakistan: Vultures and Wild Dogs

Newsweek April 26, 1971; pp. 35-36

For more than two weeks, the Pakistani Army of President Mohammed Yahya Khan had played a curious waiting game, Sitting tight in their well-fortified cantonments in the rebellious eastern wing of their divided country, the federal troops virtually ignored the taunts of the secessionist “liberation forces.” But then early last week, the lull came to a sudden end, Springing from their strongholds, the Punjabi regulars simultaneously staged more than a dozen devastating attacks from one end of beleaguered East Pakistan to the other, And when the blitzkrieg was over, it was clear that the less-than-one-month-old Republic of Bangla Desh (Bengal nation) had been delivered a stunning blow.

In a civil war already marked by brutality, the lightning attacks were notable for their savagery, In the port city of Chittagong, Pakistani troops reportedly forced Bengali prisoners to ride on the front of a truck, shouting “Victory for Bengal” – an independence slogan. When other Bengalis emerged from their hiding places, the Pakistanis opened fire with machine guns. And in the cities of Sylhet and Comilla along the eastern border, West Pakistani firepower routed the folIowers of nationalist leader Sheikh Mujibur Rahman and left the bodies of scores of dead peasants to be picked apart by vultures and wild dogs.

All in all, the bitter campaign seemed to suggest that the West Pakistanis had more than purely military objectives in mind. In city after city, in fact, the soldiers were apparently determined to shatter the economic base of East Pakistan in order to crush the independence movement. On orders from the Islamabad high command, troops systematically gunned down students, engineers, doctors and any other persons with a potential for leadership, whether they were nationalists or not. “They want to push us back to the eighteenth century,” said one Bengali soldier,” so that there will be famine and we will be reduced to eating grass. They want to make sure that no head will ever be raised against them again.”

Despite the devastating offensive, the Bengalis showed little inclination to throw in the towel. A group of Mujib’s Awami League colleagues announced the formation of a Bangla Desh war Cabinet, promising “freedom as long as there is sun over Bengal.” Beyond the rhetoric, the rebels were hoping that the approaching monsoon season would sever the West Pakistanis’ already strained logistical lifeline. “The supply lines are Yahya Khan’s Achilles’ heel,” said one pro-Bengali analyst. “By our calculations, the Pakistani Army is facing the monsoons without a supply margin. The commanders cannot be happy.”

Locked Up: Happy or not, the West Pakistani leaders had, most observers said, good reason for confidence. The Westerners claimed to have Mujib locked up and awaiting trial on charges of treason. And with the dynamic, 51-year-old symbol of the rebel movement seemingly out of the way, the new government appeared to be more shadow than substance. In the field, the Bengalis have suffered staggering casualties, losing as many as 25,000 men.

More important, the fighting disposition of the Bengalis was increasingly open to question. “I met a steady stream of refugees carrying their belongings in big bundles on their heads and driving small Hocks of scrawny goats or cattle,” cabled NEWSWEEK’S Milan I. Kubic after a trip into East Pakistan last week. “But I saw only one Toyota jeep of the ‘Mukti fouj,’ Bengal’s liberation army. Its unarmed driver, a young Bengali from Jhingergacha, had an idea that the enemy was just up the road, but neither he nor the two other soldiers with him seemed anxious to seek battle. ‘What would we fight with?’ he asked with a grin. ‘We haven’t got anything’.”

Neighbors: That let-someone-else-do-it attitude, combined with the absence of effective central leadership, did not augur well for Bangla Desh. But one big question mark remained: the reaction of the neighboring big powers-China and India. Almost from the beginning of the conflict, the West Pakistanis have charged that arch-rival India was an active participant on the side of East Pakistan. And last week Islamabad officials claimed to have wiped out two companies of Indian border-security forces allegedly operating within the eastern province.

For its part, New Delhi stoutly denied any direct involvement. And most observers on the scene supported that contention. Moreover, it seemed certain that President Yahya Khan was trumpeting the charges at least in part to unite his own people-many of whom had gotten queasy about the reports of full-scale slaughter in the east. But it was equally apparent that New Delhi had indeed gone out of its way to make friendly noises toward the rebel Bengalis-and to take a slap at Islamabad. Throughout the week, Indian newspapers gleefully carried accounts of purported Pakistani atrocities. And the Indian Cabinet met in a well-publicized but closed session to discuss recognition of Bangla Desh.

Chou’s Cable: In response, Peking seemed more than willing to weigh in with a tough statement in support of the West Pakistanis. In the most specific declaration since the fighting broke out late last month, Premier Chou En-Iai sent a cable to Yahya blasting “Indian expansionists” and adding that the Chinese would firmly back the Pakistanis “in their just struggle to safeguard their -state sovereignty and national independence.” On top of that, there were rumors throughout Asia last week that the West Pakistanis only instituted the military crackdown after extensive consultations with Peking.

Yet for all the ominous signs of a brewing confrontation on the subcontinent, most analysts doubted that the rhetoric would escalate to action, at least not in the near future. For one thing, China’s support for Islamabad-Peking’s ally in its long-haul competition with India-seemed to have been something of a pro-forma necessity. For another, the Indians are currently more than preoccupied with their own domestic problems. Still, the volatile brinkmanship of Yahya Khan and the highly emotional Indian response carried with them the threat of a major explosion. “If the fighting and the bloodshed simmer on,” said one observer, “then there’s always the possibility that any tiny spark may send the entire region up in flames-eventually engulfing all of Pakistan, India and maybe even China as well.”

The Six Point Movement

February 1966:

Before a convention of opposition parties held in Lahore, Sheikh Mujibur Rahman puts forward his demand for a federal governing system with full autonomy for the two wings of Pakistan:

1. A Federation of Pakistan based on the Lahore Resolution, with a parliamentary form of government based on the supremacy of a directly elected legislature and representation on the basis of population.

2. The federal government to be responsible only for defense and foreign affairs.

3. A federal reserve system designed to prevent the flight of capital from one region to the other.

4. Taxation to be the responsibility of each federating unit, with necessary provisions for funding the federal goverment.

5. Each unit to retain its own foreign exchange earnings as well as the power to negotiate foreign trade and aid.

6. Each unit to maintain its own paramilitary forces.

“The historic Six-Point Demand or Six-Point Movement has been widely credited as the ‘charter of freedom’ in the history of the Bangalees’ struggle for freedom and independence from Pakistan’s colonial domination. Indeed, the Awami League-led six-point movement in 1966 was the turning point in our quest for greater autonomy and self-determination. It is fair to suggest that the six-point movement is a milestone in the history of our struggle for freedom and independence.” — Prof M Waheeduzzaman in his analysis of The Six Points Movement

The Lahore Resolution was inspired by Jinnah and formally moved by A K Fazlul Huq at a General Session of the All India Muslim League on March 23, 1940:

“…no constitutional plan would be … acceptable to the Muslims unless … geographically contiguous units are demarcated into regions … with such territorial readjustments as may be necessary. [And] the areas where the Muslims are numerically in a majority, as in the North-Western and Eastern zones of India, should be grouped to constitute independent states in which the constituent units shall be autonomous and sovereign.”

March 5, 1971: 300 killed in army actions on protesters

Three hundred people killed in army action against Awami League volunteers and supporters.

Yahya Khan was clear in his mind about what he should do. The strategy would be to provide the necessary force, buy time for the preparations and strike hard at the appropriate moment. Encouragement also came from Tikka Khan,- ‘Give me enough force and I will crush them in 48 hours’. Accordingly, Yahya Khan ordered the massive airlift to begin.

March 3, 1971: Awami League launches a non-violent non-cooperation movement

Sheikh Mujibur Rahman rejects Yahya Khan’s proposal for a conference of political leaders.

Bangabandhu Sheikh Mujibur Rahman called a nationwide strike and launched a non-violent non-cooperation movement. The upsurge by then had spread to the other parts of the country. Every where the people responded to the great leader Bangabandhu’s appeal and the movement became more orderly and effective.

Bangabandhu also ordered “Continuous Strikes” – a daily shutdown from 7am to 2pm. Accordingly, everything in the country ceased function during those hours.

There was serious trouble in Chittagong that night when the authorities tried to unload the MV Swat which had arrived with troops and a cargo of ammunition. Dock workers spread this news. Soon thousands of people were locked in battle with West Pakistan soldiers and sailors. The trouble gained a new dimension when a unit of the East Pakistan Rifles refused to fire on Bangali demonstrators. This action gave a sharper edge to Bangali resentment.

It was in that situation that Lt.-Gen. Tikka Khan flew into Dhaka. Tikka Khan was an old hand at quelling disturbances. He had already acquired the reputation of ” Butcher of Baluchistan”.

After the daily strikes ended in Dhaka at 2pm meetings were held at the stadium and other places. On one occasion 341 prisoners who had broken out of Dhaka jail joined the stadium meeting.

As the intensity of the movement was increasing so did the demand for independence. All eyes were being turned to the racecourse at Dhaka where Bangabandhu Sheikh Mujibur Rahman expected to proclaim independence on March 7, 1971.

On the other side Yahya Khan saw the remedy only in terms of applying greater force – a military solution for a political problem.

Awami League wins election, PPP refused to allow Sheikh Mujib as Prime Minister

December, 1970

In 1970 the Awami League, the largest East Pakistani political party, led by Sheikh Mujibur Rahman, won a landslide victory in the national elections. The party won 167 of the 169 seats allotted to East Pakistan, and thus a majority of the 313 seats in the National Assembly. This gave the Awami League the constitutional right to form a government.

The nearest contender is Zulfikar Ali Bhutto of PPP, with a total of 81 seats in the National Assembly, and with a two-thirds majority from Sind.

Sheikh Mujib emerges as an undisputed leader of the Bangalees with 268 of the 279 seats in the East Pakistan Provincial Assembly going to the Awami League.

However, Zulfikar Ali Bhutto (a Sindhi), the leader of the Pakistan Peoples Party, refused to allow Rahman to become the Prime Minister of Pakistan. Instead, he proposed the idea of having two Prime Ministers, one for each wing. The proposal elicited outrage in the east wing, already chafing under the other constitutional innovation, the “one unit scheme”.

The United Front wins most of the seats

March 8-11, 1954

In the first ever election since Pakistan’s independence, the United Front, comprised of the Awami League and the Krishak Sramik Party, wins most of the seats in the East Bengal Legislative Assembly. The Muslim League, which had earlier played a significant role in the pre-Partition politics along with the Indian Congress Party, wins only 9 of the 310 seats in the Provincial Assembly.

Source: Uttorshuri