Tag Archives: East Pakistan

Pakistanis Retreat to Dacca

The Harvard Crimson, December 10, 1971

Indian spokesmen reported yesterday that thousands of East Pakistani troops were retreating in front of the Indian army’s advance which came within 25 miles of Dacca. East Pakistan’s capital. India claims to have wiped out the last of East Pakistan’s air force during the day.

The Pakistani U.N. delegation told Secretary-General U Thant yesterday that Pakistan accepts the General Assembly’s cease-fire appeal, subject to a call for U.N. observers on both sides.

The East Pakistanis were using sampans, barges and steamers to retreat across the Ganges River into Chittagong, where they hoped to be evacuated. Pakistani forces attempting to escape by river would meet “certain death” at the hands of the Indian Navy.

While Radio Pakistan claimed that Indian invaders had been “blunted on all fronts in East Pakistan,” the Indian Army reported its capture of the Meghna River, 25 miles southeast of Dacca. As Indian forces drew nearer to Dacca, thousands of residents fled the city.

Lt. Gen. Hagjit Singh Aurora, Indian eastern front commander, said yesterday that about 7000 Pakistani troops trying to escape across the Ganges River were under air attack. He said at least one river steamer, carrying an estimated 500 Pakistani troops, had been sunk by Indian aircraft, which made over 100 sorties during the day.

Francis G. Hutchins, assistant professor of Economics, said yesterday that “the conflict seams to be going according to India’s plan of a show, methodical advance on Dacca.” He added that the Pakistanis are probably hoping to make up for their losses on the eastern front with advances in Kashmir, so that if a cease-fire is negotiated. Pakistan will have gained some land in the conflict.

“The Pakistani government, may already have decided to abandon Dacca,” Hutchins said. “The invasion may actually help the Pakistani leaders by allowing them to blame their loss of East Pakistan on India rather than on internal political revolution,” he said.

গণহত্যা : এ্যান্থনি মাসকারেনহাস

Genocide_Mascarenhas

দি সানডে টাইমস, ১৩ জুন ১৯৭১

অনুবাদ: ফাহমিদুল হক

পাঁচ মিলিয়ন লোক বাস্তুভিটা ছেড়ে কেন পালিয়ে গেছে সে মর্মান্তিক কাহিনী নিয়ে পাকিস্তান থেকে এসেছেন সানডে টাইমসের রিপোর্টার।

মার্চের শেষ থেকে পাকাসেনারা পরিকল্পিতভাবে হাজার হাজার লোককে হত্যা করে চলেছে। মার্চের শেষ থেকে প্রেসিডেন্ট ইয়াহিয়া খানের সংবাদ-ধামাচাপা-দেয়ার পেছনের মর্মান্তিক কাহিনী হলো এই। কলেরা আর দুর্ভিক্ষ নিয়েও ৫০ লক্ষ লোকের পূর্ব পাকিস্তান থেকে বেরিয়ে ভারতে চলে আসার এই হলো কারণ।

সানডে টাইমসের পাকিস্তান-প্রতিনিধি অ্যান্থনি ম্যাসকারেনহাস এই প্রথামবারের মতো নিরবতার পর্দা উন্মোচন করলেন। তিনি সেখানে পাকসেনাদের কীর্তিকলাপ দেখেছেন। তিনি পাকিস্তান ছেড়ে এসেছেন বিশ্ববাসীকে সেসব জানানোর জন্য। সেনাবাহিনী শুধু স্বাধীনতা-পূর্ব বাংলা বা বাংলাদেশ ধারণার সমর্থকদেরই হত্যা করছে না। স্বেচ্ছাকৃতভাবে খুন করা হচ্ছে হিন্দু ও বাঙালি মুসলমান সবাইকে। হিন্দুদের গুলি করে বা পিটিয়ে মারা হচ্ছে তারা কেবল হিন্দু বলেই। জ্বালিয়ে দেয়া হচ্ছে গ্রামের পর গ্রাম। অ্যান্থনি ম্যাসকারেনহাসের রিপোর্টের পেছনেও রয়েছে একটি দারুণ গল্প।

মার্চের শেষের দিকে পূর্ব পাকিস্তানে দুই ডিভিশন পাকসেনা গোপনে পাঠানো হয় বিদ্রোহীদের ‘খুঁজে বের করা’র জন্য। কিন্তু দু-সপ্তাহ পরে পাকিস্তান সরকার আটজন পাকিস্তানী সাংবাদিককে আমন্ত্রণ জানায় পূর্ব পাকিস্তানে উড়ে যাবার জন্য। সরকারি কর্মকর্তাদের মাধ্যমে সাংবাদিকদের প্রভাবিত করে পশ্চিম পাকিস্তানের জনগণকে এই ধারণা দেয়াই এর উদ্দেশ্য ছিল যে, দেশের পূর্বাংশে ‘সবকিছু স্বাভাবিক হয়ে এসেছে’। সাতজন সাংবাদিক তাদের কথামতো কাজ করেছেন। কিন্তু তা করেননি একজন — তিনি হলেন করাচির মর্নিং নিউজ পত্রিকার সহকারী সম্পাদক ও সানডে টাইমসের পাকিস্তান-প্রতিনিধি অ্যান্থনি ম্যাসকারেনহাস।

১৮ মে মঙ্গলবার তিনি অপ্রত্যাশিতভাবে এসে হাজির হন লন্ডস্থ দি সানডে টাইমসের কার্যালয়ে। আমাদের জানালেন, পূর্ব বাংলা ছেড়ে ৫০ লক্ষ লোককে কেন চলে যেতে হয়েছে তার পেছনের কাহিনী। তিনি সোজাসাপ্টভাবে জানালেন এই কাহিনী। এই কাহিনী লেখার পর তার পক্ষে আর করাচি ফিরে যাওয়া সম্ভব হবে না। তিনি জানালেন তিনি পাকিস্তানে আর ফিরে না-যাবার ব্যাপারে মনস্থির করেছেন; এজন্য তাকে তার বাড়ি, তার সম্পত্তি, এবং পাকিস্তানের সবচেয়ে সম্মানীয় একজন সাংবাদিকের মর্যাদার মায়া ত্যাগ করতে হবে। তার মাত্র একটি শর্ত ছিল: পাকিস্তানে গিয়ে তার স্ত্রী এবং পাঁচ সন্তানকে নিয়ে ফিরে না আসা পর্যন্ত আমরা যেন তার রিপোর্ট প্রকাশ না করি।

সানডে টাইমস রাজি হয় এবং তিনি পাকিস্তানে ফিরে যান। দশ দিন অপেক্ষা করার পর সানডে টাইমসের এক নির্বাহীর ব্যক্তিগত ঠিকানায় একটি বৈদেশিক তারবার্তা আসে। তাতে লেখা ছিল, ‘আসার প্রস্তুতি সম্পন্ন, সোমবার জাহাজ ছাড়বে।’ দেশত্যাগ করার ব্যাপারে স্ত্রী ও সন্তানদের অনুমতি পেতে ম্যাসকারেনহাস সফল হন। তার দেশত্যাগের ব্যাপারে নিষেধাজ্ঞা ছিল। তবে তিনি কোনোরকমে একটা রাস্তা পেয়ে যান। পাকিস্তানের ভেতরে যাত্রার শেষ পর্যায়ে তিনি প্লেনে একজন তথ্য মন্ত্রণালয়ের কর্মকর্তাকে দেখতে পান যাকে তিনি ভালোমতোই চিনতেন। এয়ারপোর্ট থেকে একটি ফোনকল তাকে গ্রেফতার করার জন্য যথেষ্ট ছিল। তবে কোনো ফোনকল হয়নি এবং তিনি মঙ্গলবার লন্ডনে এসে পৌঁছান।

পূর্ব পাকিস্তানে ম্যাসকারেনহাস বিশেষ কর্তৃত্ব ও নিরপেক্ষতা সহকারে যা দেখেছেন তা লিখেছেন। তিনি গোয়ার একজন ভদ্র খ্রিস্টান, তিনি হিন্দু বা মুসলমান কোনোটাই নন। জীবনের অধিকাংশ সময় কাটিয়েছেন পাকিস্তানে। ১৯৪৭ সালে পাকিস্তানের উদ্ভবের পর থেকেই তিনি পাকিস্তানের পাসপোর্টধারী। তখন থেকে তিনি পাকিস্তানের অনেক নেতার আস্থা অর্জন করেছেন এবং এই রিপোর্ট লিখছেন সত্যিকারের ব্যক্তিগত দুঃখবোধ থেকে।

তিনি আমাদের কাছে বলেন, ‘তথ্য মন্ত্রণালয়ের কর্মকর্তারা আমাদের জানান সেনাবাহিনী যে বিরাট দেশপ্রেমের কাজ করছে, ব্যাপারটা সেভাবে উপস্থাপন করতে।’ তিনি তার প্রতিবেদনের জন্য যা দেখেছেন এবং রিপোর্ট করেছেন সে-সম্পর্কে কোন সন্দেহই থাকতে পারে না । তাকে একটি রিপোর্ট লেখার অনুমতি দেয়া হয় যা সানডে টাইমসে ২ মে প্রকাশিত হয়। রিপোর্টটিতে কেবল মার্চ ২৫/২৬-এর ঘটনার বিবরণ ছিল, যখন বাঙালি সৈন্যরা বিদ্রোহ করে এবং অবাঙালিদের বিরুদ্ধে প্রতিরোধ গড়ে তোলে। এমনকি দুর্ভিক্ষের ভয়াবহতার প্রসঙ্গ পর্যন্ত কর্তৃপক্ষ সেন্সর করেছিল। এ-ব্যাপারটিই তার নীতিবোধকে পীড়া দিচ্ছিল। কিছুদিন পরে, তার ভাষায়, তিনি স্থির করলেন যে, “হয় যা দেখেছি তার পুঙ্খানুপুঙ্খ বিবরণ লিখবো, নয়তো লেখাই বন্ধ করে দেবো; নইলে সততার সঙ্গে আর লেখা যাবে না।” তাই তিনি প্লেনে চেপেছেন এবং লন্ডন চলে এসেছেন।

পূর্ব বাংলা থেকে আসা শরণার্থী ও নিরপেক্ষ কূটনীতিবিদদের মধ্যে যাদের এসব ঘটনা সম্পর্কে বিস্তৃত ধারণা রয়েছে তাদের দ্বারা তার প্রতিবেদন আমরা বিস্তৃতভাবে যাচাই করতে সমর্থ হয়েছি।

শরণার্থীরা কেন পালিয়েছে: সেনাবাহিনী পূর্ব পাকিস্তানে যাবার পরের বিভীষিকার প্রথম প্রত্যক্ষদর্শীর বর্ণনা

আবদুল বারী ভাগ্যের ভরসায় দৌড় দিয়েছিল। পূর্ব বাংলার আরো হাজার মানুষের মতো সেও একটা ভুল করে ফেলেছিলো — সাংঘাতিক ভুল –ও দৌড়াচ্ছিলো পাকসেনাদের একটি টহল-সেনাদলের দৃষ্টিসীমার মধ্যে। পাকসেনারা ঘিরে দাঁড়িয়েছে এই চব্বিশ বছরের সামান্য লোককে। নিশ্চিত গুলির মুখে সে থরথরিয়ে কাঁপে। “কেউ যখন দৌড়ে পালায় তাকে আমরা সাধারণত খুন করে ফেলি”, ৯ম ডিভিশনের জি-২ অপারেশনস-এর মেজর রাঠোর আমাকে মজা করে বলেন। কুমিল্লার বিশ মাইল দক্ষিণে মুজাফরগঞ্জ নামে ছোট্ট একটা গ্রামে আমরা দাঁড়িয়ে আছি। “ওকে আমরা চেক করছি কেবল আপনার খাতিরে। আপনি এখানে নতুন এসেছেন, এছাড়া আপনার পেটের পীড়া রয়েছে।”
“ওকে খুন করতে কেন?” উদ্বেগের সঙ্গে আমি ওকে জিজ্ঞেস করলাম।
“কারণ হয় ও হিন্দু, নয়তো বিদ্রোহী, মনে হয় ছাত্র কিংবা আওয়ামী লীগার । ওদের যে খুজছি তা ওরা ভালমতো জানে এবং দৌড়ের মাধ্যমে তারা বিশ্বাসঘাতকতা করে।”
“কিন্তু তুমি ওদের খুন করছো কেন? হিন্দুদেরই বা খুঁজছ কেন?” আমি আবার জিজ্ঞেস করলাম । রাঠোর তীব্র কন্ঠে বলেন: “আমি তোমাকে অবশ্যই মনে করিয়ে দিতে চাই, তারা পাকিস্তান ধ্বংস করার কী রকম চেষ্টা করেছে। এখন যুদ্ধের সুযোগে ওদের শেষ করে দেয়ার চমৎকার সুযোগ পেয়েছি।”
“অবশ্য,” তিনি তাড়াতাড়ি যোগ করেন, “আমরা শুধু হিন্দুদেরই মারছি। আমরা সৈনিক, বিদ্রোহীদের মতো কাপুরুষ নই। তারা আমাদের রমণী ও শিশুদের খুন করেছে।”

পূর্ব বাংলার শ্যামল ভূমির ওপর ছড়িয়ে দেয়া রক্তের কলঙ্কচিহ্নগুলি আমার চেখে একে একে ধরা পড়ছিল। প্রথমে ব্যাপারটা ছিল বাঙালিদের প্রতি বন্য আক্রোশের বহিঃপ্রকাশ হিসেবে অবাঙালিদের হত্যা। এখন এই গণহত্যা ঘটানো হচ্ছে পাকসেনাদের দ্বারা উদ্দেশ্যমূলকভাবে। এই সুসংগঠিত হত্যাকাণ্ডের শিকার হিন্দুরাই শুধু নয়, যারা সাড়ে ৭ কোটি জনসংখ্যার ১০ শতাংশ, বরং হাজার হাজার বাঙালি মুসলমানরাও। বিশ্ববিদ্যালয় ও কলেজের ছাত্র, শিক্ষক, আওয়ামী লীগ ও বামপন্থী রাজনৈতিক দলগুলোর সদস্যসহ সবাই এর মধ্যে রয়েছে। এমন কি ১৭৬,০০০ জন বাঙালি সৈনিক ও পুলিশ যারা ২৬শে মার্চে অসময়োপযোগী ও দুর্বল-সূচনার একটা বিপ্লবের মাধ্যমে স্বাধীন বাংলাদেশ গঠন করতে চেয়েছিল, এর ভেতরে তারাও আছে।

এপ্রিলের শেষ দিকে পূর্ব বাংলায় দশদিনে চোখ আর কানে অবিশ্বাস্য যকিছু আমি দেখেছি ও শুনেছি তাতে এটা ভয়াবহভাবে পরিষ্কার যে এই হত্যাকাণ্ড সেনা কর্মকর্তাদের বিচ্ছিন্ন কোনো কার্যকলাপ নয়। পাক সেনাদের দ্বারা বাঙালিদের হত্যাকাণ্ডই অবশ্য একমাত্র সত্য নয়। ২৫ মার্চের রাতে পাকিস্তানী সৈন্যরাই একমাত্র হত্যাকারী ছিল না, পূর্ব পাকিস্তানের সৈন্য ও প্যারামিলিটিারির সদস্যদের বন্য আক্রোশের শিকার হয়েছে অবাঙালিরা। কর্তৃপক্ষের সেন্সর আমাকে এই তথ্য জানানোর সুযোগ দিয়েছে। হাজার হাজার অভাগা মুসলিম পরিবার, যাদের অধিকাংশই ১৯৪৭ সনের দেশ বিভাগের সময় বিহার থেকে শরণার্থী হিশেবে পাকিস্তানে এসেছিল, প্রায় নিশ্চিহ্ন হয়ে গেছে। রমণীরা ধর্ষিত হয়েছে, বিশেষ ধরনের ছুরি দিয়ে কেটে নেয়া হয়েছে তাদের স্তন। এই ভয়াবহতা থেকে শিশুরাও রক্ষা পায়নি। ভাগ্যবানরা বাবা-মার সঙ্গেই মারা গেছে; কিন্তু চোখ উপড়ে ফেলা ও অঙ্গপ্রত্যঙ্গ নিষ্ঠুরভাবে ছিঁড়ে নেয়া হাজার হাজার শিশুর সামনে ভবিষ্যত এখন অনিশ্চিত। চট্টগ্রাম, খুলনা ও যশোরের মতো শহরগুলো থেকে ২০,০০০-এরও বেশি অবাঙালির মৃতদেহ পাওয়া গেছে। নিহতদের সত্যিকারের পরিমাণ, পূর্ব বাংলার সর্বত্র আমি শুনেছি ১০০,০০০-এর মতো হতে পারে; কারণ হাজার হাজার মৃতদেহের কোনো চিহ্নই খুঁজে পাওয়া যায়নি।

পাক-সরকার ওই প্রথম ভয়াবহতা সম্পর্কে পৃথিবীকে জানতে দিয়েছে। কিন্তু যা প্রকাশ করতে দেয়া হয়নি তা হলো, তাদের নিজেদের সেনাবহিনী যে-হত্যাকাণ্ড ঘটিয়েছে তা ছিল দ্বিতীয় এবং ভয়াবহতম হত্যাকাণ্ড। পাক-কর্মকর্তারা উভয় পক্ষ মিলিয়ে নিহতদের সংখ্যা ২৫০,০০০-এর মতো বলে গণনা করেছে — এর মধ্যে দুর্ভিক্ষ এবং মহামারিতে মৃতদের ধরা হয়নি। দেশের অর্ধেকেরও বেশি জনসংখ্যা অধ্যুষিত প্রদেশে সফল ধ্বংসকাণ্ড চালানোর মাধ্যমে জেনারেল ইয়াহিয়া খানের সামরিক সরকার পূর্ব পাকিস্তান-সমস্যাকে তার নিজস্ব ‘চরম সমাধানের’ দিকে ঠেলে দিচ্ছেন।

“আমরা পূর্ব পাকিস্তানকে একেবারে সংশোধন করতে চাই এবং বিচ্ছিন্ন হওয়ার সব হুমকিকে রদ করার জন্য আমরা দৃঢ়প্রতিজ্ঞ, এর অর্থ যদি হয় ২০ লক্ষ লোককে হত্যা করা এবং প্রদেশটিকে ৩০ বছর ধরে কলোনি বানিয়ে রাখা, তবুও,” আমাকে বারবার এ-কথা শুনিয়েছেন ঢাকা ও কুমিল্লার ঊধ্বর্তন সামরিক ও সরকারী কর্মকর্তাবৃন্দ। পূর্ব বাংলায় পাকসেনারা ব্যাপকভাবে ও ভয়াবহভাবে ঠিক এই কাজটিই করে চলেছে।

চাঁদপুর ভ্রমণ শেষে অস্তায়মান সূর্যের সঙ্গে পাল্লা দিয়ে আমরা ছুটে চলেছি (কারণ, বুদ্ধিমান পাক সেনারা পূর্ব বংলায় ভবনের ভেতরে রাত্রি যাপন করে)। টয়োটা ল্যান্ড ক্রুজারের পেছন থেকে হঠাৎ এক জওয়ান চেঁচিয়ে উঠল, “একটা লোক দৌড়িয়ে যাচ্ছে, সাহেব।” মেজর রাঠোর মুহূর্তেই গাড়ি থামিয়ে দিলেন, একই সঙ্গে চীনা এলএমজি তাক করলেন দরজার বিপরীতে। দুশো গজেরও কম দূরে হাঁটু-সমান উঁচু ধানক্ষেতের মধ্যে একটা লোককে ছুটে পালাতে দেখা গেল।

“আল্লাহর দোহাই, ওকে গুলি কর না,” আমি চেঁচিয়ে উঠলাম, “ও নিরস্ত্র। ও একজন গ্রামবাসী মাত্র।”
আমার দিকে বাজেভাবে তাকিয়ে রাঠোর একটা সতর্কতামূলক গুলি করলেন। সবুজ ধানের গালিচায় লোকটা কুঁকড়ে ঢুকে যেতেই দু’জন জওয়ান এগিয়ে গেল তাকে টেনে-হিঁচড়ে আনতে।
বন্দুকের বাট দিয়ে আঘাতের পর জিজ্ঞাসাবাদ শুরু হল।
“তুমি কে?”
“মাফ করে দিন সাহেব, আমার নাম আব্দুল বারী। ঢাকায় নিউ মার্কেটে দর্জির কাজ করি।”
“মিথ্যে বলবে না। তুমি হিন্দু। না হলে দৌড়াচ্ছিলে কেন?”
“কারফিউয়ের সময় প্রায় হইয়া আসছে, সাহেব, আমি আমার গ্রামে যাইতেছিলাম।”
“সত্য কথা বল। দৌড়াচ্ছিলে কেন?”
প্রশ্নের উত্তর দেবার পূর্বেই তাকে একজন জওয়ান দেহ-তল্লাসী শুরু করল এবং আরেকজন দ্রুত তার লুঙ্গি টেনে খুলল। হাড়জিরজিরে নগ্ন শরীরে সুস্পষ্ট খৎনার চিহ্ন দেখা গেল, যা মুসলমানদের অবশ্যই করতে হয়।

ট্রাকভর্তি মানুষগুলোকে হত্যা করা হয়

অন্তঃতপক্ষে এটা নিশ্চিতভাবে প্রমাণ হল যে বারী হিন্দু নয়। তারপরও জিজ্ঞাসাবাদ চলছিল।
“বল তুমি দৌড় দিয়েছিলে কেন?”
এতক্ষণে ওর চোখ বুনো হয়ে উঠল। ওর শরীরও কাঁপছিল প্রচণ্ডভাবে। সে উত্তর দিতে পরছিল না, সে হাঁটু চেপে ধরল।
“স্যার, মনে হচ্ছে ও ফৌজি।” বারী পা খামচে ধরায় এক জওয়ান মন্তব্য করে। (ফৌজি সৈনিকের উর্দু শব্দ, বাঙালি বিপ্লবীদের পাকসেনারা এই নামে চিহ্নিত করে থাকে।)
“হতে পারে।” আমি শুনলাম রাঠোর হিংস্রভাবে বিড়বিড় করল।
রাইফেলের বাট দিয়ে প্রচণ্ডভাবে পিটিয়ে আব্দুল বারীকে ভীষণ জোরে ছুঁড়ে দেয়া হল একটি দেয়ালের দিকে। তার আর্তনাদের পর কাছের কুঁড়েঘরের আড়াল থেকে এক তরুণকে উঁকি দিতে দেখা গেল। বাংলায় কী যেন চেঁচিয়ে বলল বারী। মাথাটি সঙ্গে সঙ্গে অন্তর্হিত হল। কিছুক্ষণ পরেই খোঁড়াতে খোঁড়াতে কুঁড়েঘর থেকে বেরিয়ে এল এক বুড়ো মানুষ। রাঠোর তাকে খামচে টেনে আনলো।
“এই লোকটাকে তুমি চেন?”
“হ্যাঁ সাহেব। ও আব্দুল বারী।”
“সে কি ফৌজি?”
“না সাহেব। হে ঢাকায় দর্জির কাম করে।”
“সত্যি কথা বল।”
“খোদার কসম, সাহেব, হে দর্জি।”
হঠাৎ নিরবতা নেমে এলো। রাঠোর অপ্রস্তুত হয়ে তাকালে আমি বললাম, “আল্লাহর দোহাই, ওকে যেতে দাও। ওর নির্দোষিতার আর কত প্রমাণ চাও?”
জওয়ানরা তবু সন্তুষ্ট হয় না, তারা বারীকে ঘিরে রাখে। আরো একবার বলার পর রাঠোর বারীকে ছেড়ে দেবার আদেশ দিলেন। ইতোমধ্যে সে ভয়ে জড়োসড়ো ও কুঞ্চিত হয়ে গেছে। তার জীবন বেঁচে গেল। অন্য সবার ভাগ্যে এমন সুযোগ আসে না।

৯ম ডিভিশনের কর্মকর্তাদের সঙ্গে আমি ছয়দিন কুমিল্লায় ঘুরেছি। আমি কাছ থেকে দেখেছি গ্রামের পর গ্রাম, বাড়ির পর বাড়ি “অস্ত্র অনুসন্ধান”-এর ছলে খৎনা করা হয়নি এমন লোকদের বেছে বেছে হত্যা করা হয়েছে। কুমিল্লার সার্কিট হাউসে (বেসামরিক প্রশাসনের হেড কোয়ার্টার) মানুষদের মৃত্যুযন্ত্রণার আর্তরব আমি শুনেছি। কারফিউর নামে আমি দেখেছি ট্রাক বোঝাই লোক নিয়ে যাওয়া হচ্ছে খুন করার জন্য। সেনাবহিনীর “হত্যা ও অগ্নিসংযোগ মিশন’-এর পাশবিকতার আমি প্রত্যক্ষদর্শী। দেখেছি বিপ্লবীদের খতম করার পর কীভাবে গ্রাম-শহরে ধ্বংসলীলা চালানো হয়েছে।

‘শাস্তিমূলক পদক্ষেপ” নিয়ে কীভাবে পুরো গ্রামকে ধ্বংস¯তূপে পরিণত করা হয়েছে তাও আমি দেখেছি। আর রাত্রিবেলা শুনেছি তাদের সারাদিনব্যাপী চালানো হত্যাকাণ্ডের অবিশ্বাসযোগ্য, বর্বর রোমন্থন। “তুমি কয়টা খতম করেছ?” তাদের উত্তর এখনও আমার স্মৃতিতে জ্বলন্ত।

যেকোনো পশ্চিম পাকিস্তানী অফিসার বলবে এর সবই করা হয়েছে ‘পাকিস্তানের আদর্শ, সংহতি ও অখণ্ডতা অক্ষুণ্ন রাখা’-র জন্য। কিন্তু অনেক দেরী হয়ে গেছে। ভারতের দ্বারা হাজার মাইল দূরত্বে অবস্থিত দুই অংশকে একত্রে রাখার জন্য এই তথাকথিত সামরিক কার্যক্রমই আদর্শের পতনকে প্রমাণ করেছে। পূর্ব বাংলাকে পাকিস্তানের সঙ্গে যুক্ত রাখা সম্ভব একমাত্র কঠোর সামরিক হস্তক্ষেপের মাধ্যমে। আর পাকসেনাদল পাঞ্জাবীদের দ্বারা নিয়ন্ত্রিত, যারা ঐতিহাসিকভাবেই বাঙালিদের অপছন্দ করে, ঘৃণা করে।

পরিস্থিতি এমন অবস্থায় এসেছে যে কিছু বাঙালিকেও পশ্চিম পাকিস্তানী দলের সঙ্গে দেখা গেছে স্বতঃস্ফুর্তভাবে। ঢাকায় এক পুরনো বন্ধুর সঙ্গে দেখা করতে যাওয়ার সময় এ-রকম আশ্চর্য অদ্ভুত অভিজ্ঞাতার মুখোমুখি হয়েছি আমি। “দুঃখিত”, সে আমাকে বলল, “ছক পাল্টে গেছে। আমি তুমি যে পাকিস্তানকে জানি, তা বিলুপ্ত হয়ে গেছে। তাকে পেছনেই থাকতে দাও।”

ঘণ্টাখানেক বাদে এক পাঞ্জাবী সেনা-কর্মকর্তা পাকসেনারা পদক্ষেপ নেয়ার আগের অবাঙালিদের ওপর চালানো হত্যাকাণ্ডের কথা বলা আরম্ভ করল। সে আমাকে বলল, “১৯৪৭-এর দেশবিভাগের সময়কার শিখদের চাইতে পাশবিক আচরণ করেছে তারা। কীভাবে আমরা তা ভুলতে বা মাফ করতে পারি?” সেনাবাহিনীর এই উম্মত ধ্বংসকার্যের দু’টো গুরুত্বপূর্ণ বৈশিষ্ট্য রয়েছে। একটিকে কর্তৃপক্ষ ‘শুদ্ধি অভিযান’ নামে চিহ্নিত করতে পছন্দ করেন যা মূলত ধ্বংসলীলাকেই নরমভাবে উচ্চারণ করা। অপরটি হল ‘পুনর্বাসন-উদ্যোগ”। পূর্ব বাংলাকে পশ্চিম পাকিস্তানের বশীভূত উপনিবেশ বানানোর প্রচেষ্টাকে এভাবে বর্ণনা করা হয়। এই ঢালাও অভিব্যক্তি এবং ‘দুষ্কৃতিকারী’ ও ‘হামলাকারী’ হিসেবে বারংবার উল্লেখ বিশ্বকে সন্তুষ্ট রাখার প্রয়াস। কিন্তু প্রচারণার অন্তরালে হত্যা ও উপনিবেশীকরণই হলো বাস্তবতা।

হিন্দুদের হত্যালীলার যৌক্তিকতা বিষয়ে ১৮ এপ্রিল রেডিও পাকস্তিান থেকে প্রচারিত পূর্ব পাকিস্তানের মিলিটারি গভর্নর লেফটেন্যান্ট জেনারেল টিক্কা খানের বক্তব্য আমি শুনেছি। তিনি বললেন “পূর্ব পাকিস্তানের মুসলমানরা পাকিস্তানের অভ্যুদয়ের নেতৃস্থানীয় ভূমিকা পালন করেছিল, তারা পাকিস্তানকে বাঁচিয়ে রাখার জন্য প্রতিজ্ঞ। কিন্তু হিংস্র ও আগ্রাসী সংখ্যালঘুরা জীবন ও ধনসম্পদ ধ্বংস করার হুমকি দিয়ে বিপুল সংখ্যাগরিষ্ঠদের দমন করেছে, আওয়ামী লীগকে বাধ্য করেছে হিংসাত্মক নীতি গ্রহণ করতে।”

অন্যরা যৌক্তিকতা খোঁজার ব্যাপারে আরো বোধ-বুদ্ধিহীন। “টাকার জোরে হিন্দুরা মুসলমান জনগণকে একেবারে খাটো করে দেখেছে,” কুমিল্লার অফিসার্স মেসে ৯ম ডিভিশনের কর্নেল নাঈম আমাকে জানান। “শুষে পুরো শহরকে ওরা রক্তশূন্য করে ফেলেছে। টাকা অর্থ পণ্য সব ভারতে চলে যায় সীমান্ত পার হয়ে। কোনো কোনো ক্ষেত্রে স্কুল-কলেজে অর্ধেকরও বেশি নিজেদের লোক ঢুকিয়ে আপন ছেলেদের পড়াশোনার জন্য পাঠিয়ে দেয় কলকাতায়। অবস্থা এমন পর্যায়ে এসেছে যে বাঙালি সংস্কৃতি আসলে হিন্দু সংস্কৃতি এবং পূর্ব পাকিস্তান প্রকৃতপক্ষে পরিচালনা করছে কলকাতার মাড়োয়াড়ি ব্যবসায়ীরা। জনগণের কাছে তাদের দেশকে ফিরিয়ে দিতে হলে এবং বিশ্বাসের কাছে জনগণকে ফিরিয়ে আনতে হলে আমাদের তাদের খুঁজে বের করতে হবে।”

অথবা মেজর বশিরের কথাই ধরা যাক। তিনি নিচুপদ পার হয়ে এ পর্যায়ে এসেছেন। কুমিল্লার ৯ম ডিভিশনের এই এসএসও-র নিজস্ব হত্যার খতিয়ান ২৮ বলে দম্ভও আছে। পরিস্থিতি সম্পর্কে তার আছে একটা নিজস্ব ব্যাখ্যা। “এটা হল শুদ্ধ আর অশুদ্ধর মধ্যে যুদ্ধ”, এক কাপ সবুজ চা খেতে খেতে তিনি আমাকে কথাটা বলেন। “এখানকার লোকদের নাম হয়তো মুসলমানের, পরিচয়ও দেয় হয়তো মুসলমান বলে, কিন্তু মানসিকতায় এরা হিন্দু। আপনার বিশ্বাস হবে না, শুক্রবার এখানকার ক্যান্টনমেন্ট-মসজিদের মৌলবি ফতোয়া দিচ্ছিল যে পশ্চিম পাকিস্তানীদের খুন করলে বেহেশতে যাওয়া যাবে। ওই জারজটাকে আমরা খুঁজে বের করেছি, বাদবাকিদেরও খুঁজছি। যারা ওতে অংশ নেয়নি তারা হল খাঁটি মুসলমান। আমরা এমন কি ওদের উর্দু শেখাবো।”

আমি প্রত্যেক জায়গার কর্মকর্তাদের দেখেছি তাদের হত্যালীলার পেছনে কল্পনামিশ্রিত যথেষ্ট যুক্তিও বানিয়ে নেন। কৃতকার্যের বৈধতা নিরূপণের জন্য অনেক কিছুই বলা যেতে পারে, নিজেদের মানসিক সন্তুষ্টির জন্যও সেটা প্রয়োজন, কিন্তু এই মর্মান্তিক ‘সমাধান’-এর মূল কারণটা রাজনৈতিক; বাঙালিরা নির্বাচনে জয়লাভ করে ক্ষমতায় আসতে চেয়েছে। কিন্তু ১৯৪৭ সালে পাকিস্তান প্রতিষ্ঠার পর থেকে পাঞ্জাবীদের আকাক্সক্ষা এবং স্বার্থ সরকারি নীতি-নির্ধারণে প্রাধান্য স্থাপন করেছে — ক্ষমতা হারানোর ব্যাপারটা তাদের কিছুতেই সহ্য হবে না। আর সামরিক বাহিনী এতে ইন্ধন যুগিয়েছে। কর্মকর্তারা ব্যক্তিগতভাবে এই বলে সাফাই গেয়েছে যে, সামরিক বাহিনী হত্যাকাণ্ড শুরুর পূর্বে অবাঙালিদের যেভাবে হত্যা করা হয়েছে তার পাল্টা জবাব হিসেবে এখনকার পদক্ষেপগুলো নেয়া হচ্ছে। কিন্তু ঘটনাবলী এমনটা বলে না যে চলমান এই গণহত্যা তাৎক্ষণিক ও বিশৃঙ্খল প্রতিক্রিয়া হিসেবে এসেছে। এটা ছিল পূর্বপরিকল্পিত।

ভদ্র ও আত্মবিশ্বাসী অ্যাডমিরাল আহসানের কাছ থেকে পূর্ব বাংলার গভর্নরপদ এবং পণ্ডিতম্মন্য সাহেবজাদা খানের কাছ থেকে সামরিক ক্ষমতা লেফটেন্যান্ট জেনারেল টিক্কা খান গ্রহণ করার পরই ‘অনুসন্ধান’-এর পরিকল্পনা শুরু হয়, এটা পরিষ্কার। এটা মার্চের শুরুর দিককার কথা, বাঙালিদের বিরাট প্রত্যাশা এসেম্বলি-সভা স্থগিত হবার পর যখন শেখ মুজিবুর রহমানের অসহযোগ-আন্দোলনে পূর্ব পাকিস্তান উত্তাল হয়ে উঠেছে। বলা হয়ে থাকে যে, প্রেসিডেন্ট ইয়াহিয়া খান পূর্ব পাকিস্তানে নিয়োজিত পশ্চিম পাকিস্তানী সৈন্যদের দমন-পীড়নের পক্ষের লোক হিসেবে শীর্ষে অবস্থান করেছেন। কেন্দ্রীয় সরকারের নীতিমালাকে নিয়ন্ত্রণ করে চলছিল ঢাকাস্থ পাঞ্জাবী ইস্টার্ন কমান্ড। [এটা অত্যন্ত বাজে ব্যখ্যা যে খানরা এর সঙ্গে জড়িত নয়; খান পাকিস্তানীদের নামের একটি পদবী]

যখন ২৫ মার্চের রাতে পাকসেনারা ঢাকার পথে নামে, পরের দিন সকালে শহর এমনিতেই জনশূন্য ছিল, তাদের সঙ্গে ছিল যাদের শেষ করে দিতে হবে তাদের নামের তালিকা। এতে ছিল হিন্দু আর প্রচুর সংখ্যক মুসলমানের নাম — ছাত্র, আওয়ামী লীগ সমর্থক, অধ্যাপক, সাংবাদিক এবং মুজিবের সহায়তাকারী। মানুষকে বর্তমানে জানানো হচ্ছে যে সৈন্যদের আক্রমণের নির্দেশ দেয়া হয়েছিল বিশ্ববিদ্যালয়ের হিন্দু ছাত্রদের আবাসিক ভবন জগন্নাথ হল, রমনা রেসকোর্স মন্দিরের কাছাকাছি অবস্থিত দু’টি হিন্দু কলোনি এবং তৃতীয়ত পুরনো ঢাকার বুকের ওপর শাখারিপট্টিতে। কিন্তু মার্চের ২৬ ও ২৭ তারিখের দিবারাত্রিব্যাপী কারফিউয়ের সময়ে ঢাকা ও নিকটস্থ নারায়নগঞ্জ শিল্প এলাকার হিন্দুদের কেন হত্যা করা হলো তার কোনো ব্যাখ্যা দেওয়া হয়নি। কারফিউর সময়ে রাস্তায় চলাচলকারী মুসলিমদেরও কোনো চিহ্ন পাওয়া যায়নি। এই লোকগুলোকে খতম করা হয়েছে পরিকল্পিত অভিযানের মাধ্যমে; হিন্দু দমনের বানোয়াট অভিযোগের ফল এলো আরো বিস্তৃতভাবে, অন্যরকমভাবে।

একটি পেন্সিলের খোঁচা, একটি লোকের ‘নিকাশ’

১৫ই এপ্রিল ঢাকায় ঘোরার সময় ইকবাল হলের ছাদে আমি চারটি ছাত্রের গলিত মাথা পড়ে থাকতে দেখেছি। তত্ত্বাবধায়ক জানান যে, তাদের হত্যা করা হয়েছে ২৫শে মার্চের রাত্রে। দুটো সিঁড়ি এবং চারটি ঘরে প্রচুর রক্তপাতের চিহ্নও আমি দেখেছি। ইকবাল হলের পেছনে একটি বিশাল আবাসিক ভবন সেনাবাহিনীর বিশেষ মনোযোগ পেয়েছিল বলে মনে হল। বিশাল দেয়ালগুলো গুলিতে ঝাঁঝরা এবং সিঁড়িতে বাজে গন্ধের রেশ রয়ে গেছে, যদিও এখানে প্রচুর ডিডিটির গুঁড়ো ছড়ানো হয়েছে। প্রতিবেশীরা জানান ২৩ জন নারী ও শিশুর মৃতুদেহ মাত্র ঘন্টাখানেক আগে সরিয়ে নেয়া হয়েছে গাড়িতে করে। ২৫ তারিখ থেকেই ছাদের ওপর লাশগুলো পচছিল। অনেক প্রশ্নের পর জানা গেল হতভাগ্যরা ছিল কাছের হিন্দু-বাড়ির। এই ভবনে তারা আশ্রয় নিয়েছিল।

এই গণহত্যা সাধন করা হয়েছে নিতান্ত নির্বিকারভাবে। ১৯শে এপ্রিল সকালে কুমিল্লার সামরিক আইন প্রশাসক মেজর আগার অফিসে বসে থাকার সময়ে আমি দেখেছি এ-সমস্ত নির্দেশ কী নির্মমতার সঙ্গে দেয়া হয়। এক বিহারী সাব-ইন্সপেক্টর বন্দিদের একটি তালিকা নিয়ে এল। ওটার দিকে তাকিয়ে নির্বিকারভাবে চারটি নামের পাশে পেন্সিলের খোঁচা দিয়ে আগা বললেন, “সন্ধ্যার সময় এই চারজনকে নিকাশের জন্যে নিয়ে এসো।” তালিকার দিকে তাকিয়ে আবার তিনি পেন্সিলের দাগ বসালেন, “এই চোরটাকেও নিয়ে এসো ওদের সঙ্গে।”

মৃত্যুর ঐ আদেশ দেয়া হলো নারকেলের দুধ খেতে খেতে। আমাকে জানানো হল যে বন্দিদের দুজন হিন্দু, তৃতীয়জন ‘ছাত্র’ এবং চতুর্থজন এক আওয়ামী লীগ নেতা। ‘চোরটি,’ জানা গেলো, নিজ বাড়ীতে তার বন্ধুকে থাকতে দিয়েছিল। পরে সন্ধ্যার দিকে দেখলাম একটি দড়ি দিয়ে হাত-পায়ে শিথিলভাবে বেঁধে সার্কিট হাউজগামী রাস্তা দিয়ে ওদের নিয়ে যাওয়া হচ্ছে। কারফিউর কিছু পরে সন্ধ্যা ছয়টার সময় পাখিদের একটি দল কাছে কোথাও কিচিরিমিচির করছিল, হঠাৎ গুলির তীব্র শব্দে তাদের খেলায় ছেদ পড়ল।

বেলুচ রেজিমেন্টের ক্যাপ্টেন আজমতকে নিয়ে প্রায়ই মেসে দুটো ব্যাপার আলোচনা করা হতো। একটি হলো ৯ম ডিভিশনের কমান্ডিং অফিসার মেজর জেনারেল শওকত রাজার এডিসি হিসেবে ওর চাকরি। অপরটি নিয়ে ওর সহকর্মীরা ওকে পেয়ে বসতো। জানা গেল আজমত দলের একমাত্র অফিসার যে কোনো ‘খুন’ করেনি। মেজর বশির তাকে নির্মমভাবে খোঁচাতো। “এই যে আজমত,” এক রাতে বশির তাকে বললেন, “কাল আমরা তোমাকে মানুষ করতে যাচ্ছি। কাল দেখব তুমি তাদের কেমন ধাওয়া দিতে পারো। ব্যাপারটা খুবই সোজা।” এই অসামর্থ্যরে জন্যে বশির তার সঙ্গে লেগেই থাকতেন। এসএসও-র চাকরি ছাড়াও বশির হেডকোয়ার্টারে ‘শিক্ষা কর্মকর্তা’ ছিলেন। তাকেই একমাত্র পাঞ্জাবী অফিসার দেখেছি, যে অনর্গল বাংলা বলতে পারতো।

শুনলাম বশিরের কাছে এক দাড়িঅলা একদিন সকালে তার ভাইয়ের খোঁজ নিতে এসেছিল। তার ভাই ছিল কুমিল্লার বিশিষ্ট আওয়ামী লীগ নেতা। কিছুদিন আগে পাকসেনারা তাকে বন্দি করেছিলো। বশির তাকে জানালেন, “দৌড় গ্যায়া, পালিয়ে গেছে।” বুড়ো লোকটা কিছুতেই বিশ্বাস করতে পারছিল না কীভাবে ভাঙা পা নিয়ে পালিয়ে যেতে পারে। আমিও না। এ-ঘটনা বলে লম্বা হাসি দিয়ে মেজর বশির আমার দিকে তাকিয়ে চোখ টিপলেন। পরে জেনেছি ওদের নিজস্ব ভাষায় ‘দৌড় গ্যায়া’ মানে হলো, “পালানোর সময় গুলি করে খুন।”

আমি জানতে পারিনি ক্যাপ্টেন আজমত কাউকে খুন করতে পেরেছিলেন কি না। চট্টগ্রামের সত্তর মাইল উত্তরে ফেনীর কাছে কুমিল্লা সড়কে বাঙালি-বিদ্রোহীরা পরিখা খনন করেছিল, সে-এলাকার সব ব্রিজ ও কালভার্ট ধ্বংস করে ৯ম ডিভিশনের চলাচলকে সীমিত করে রেখেছিল। ঢাকায় ইস্টার্ন কমান্ড থেকে একের পর এক বাজে খবর পেয়ে জেনারেল রাজা উদ্বিগ্ন হয়ে পড়েন। বিদ্রোহীদের পালিয়ে যাওয়া রদ করার জন্যে জরুরি হয়ে দাঁড়ায় দক্ষিণ-পূর্ব সীমান্ত-অঞ্চল বন্ধ করে দেয়া। অথচ চট্টগ্রাম সমুদ্র বন্দরে এসে পৌঁছানো অতি প্রয়োজনীয় দ্রব্যাদির সরবরাহ নিশ্চিত করার জন্যে বর্তমানে একমাত্র পথ হিশেবে উন্মুক্ত রাখাও দরকার হয়ে পড়ে। তাই জেনারেল রাজা সহজেই উত্তেজিত হয়ে যান। সেখানে তিনি উড়ে যেতেন প্রায় প্রত্যেক দিনই। ফেনীর ভেঙে পড়া ব্রিজ নিয়ে বকবক করতেন দীর্ঘসময় ধরে। ক্যাপ্টেন আজমত সবসময়ের মতো তখনো জেনারেলের ছায়া। আমি তাকে আর দেখতে পাইনি। পরবর্তী তিন সপ্তাহর জন্যে খোঁচা থেকে আজমত মোটামুটি রক্ষা পেয়েছিল। ফেনী ও সংলগ্ন অঞ্চল ৮ই মে ৯ম ডিভিশন আয়ত্তে আনতে পারলো। বাঙালি বিদ্রোহীরা বোমা ও অস্ত্রশস্ত্র দিয়ে এতোদিন সেখানে অবরোধ দিয়ে রেখেছিলো। শেষমেষ তারা সীমান্ত টপকে প্রতিবেশী দেশ ভারতে চলে যায়।

৯ম ডিভিশন হেডকোয়ার্টারের জি-১ লেফটেন্যান্ট কর্নেল আসলাম বেগ ভারি অস্ত্রসহ বাঙালি বিদ্রোহীদের পালিয়ে যাওয়ার খবরে চিন্তিত হয়ে পড়েন। তিনি বললেন, “ভারতীয়রা তাদের ওখানে একদমই থাকতে দেবে না। ব্যাপারটা তাদের জন্য খুবই বিপজ্জনক হবে। সীমান্ত-অঞ্চলে তারা যত হামলা করবে আমরা তত ভোগান্তির শিকার হব।” পাক-ভারত যুদ্ধের সময় চীন থেকে অস্ত্র সংগ্রহের ব্যাপারে গুরুত্বপূর্ণ অবদান রাখায় লেফটেন্যান্ট কর্নেল বেগ ছিলেন অত্যন্ত জনপ্রিয় আর্টিলারি অফিসার। তিনি ছিলেন একজন গর্বিত পরিবারের সদস্য। তিনি ফুলও পছন্দ করতেন। আমাকে গর্বের সঙ্গে বলেছিলেন, কুমিল্লায় এর আগের পোস্টিং-এর সময় চীন থেকে আনিয়ে হেড কোয়ার্টারের উল্টোদিকের পুকুরে তিনি টকটকে লাল রঙের বিশাল জলপদ্ম রোপন করেছিলেন। মেজর বশির তাকে খুব শ্রদ্ধা করতেন। বশির আমাকে জানালেন, একবার এক বিদ্রোহী কর্মকর্তাকে ধরা হলো। সবাই চিন্তিত হয়ে পড়ল, তাকে নিয়ে কী করা যায়। অন্যরা যখন নির্দেশ পাবার জন্য টেলিফোনে খোঁজখবর করছেন তিনি সব সমাধান করে ফেললেন, দৌড় গ্যায়া। শুধু ওর পাটুকুই গর্তের বাইরে বের হয়ে ছিল।

পরিব্যাপ্ত শ্যামল সৌন্দর্যের মধ্যে কী পাশবিকতা চলছে, তা কল্পনা করাও অসম্ভব। এপ্রিলের শেষ দিকে আমি যখন সেখানে যাই, তখন কুমিল্লা ধ্বংস¯তূপ। পথের দু’পাশের সবুজ ধানক্ষেত দিগন্তে রক্তিম আভার আকাশে গিয়ে মিশেছে। গুলমোহর, ‘অরণ্যের বহ্নিশিখা’ ফোটার সময় এসে গেছে। গ্রামের আম আর নারকেল গাছগুলো ফলের ভারে নুয়ে পড়েছে। এমন কি রাস্তার পাশে ছাগলের দৌড়ঝাঁপও প্রমাণ করছিলো প্রকৃতিক বাংলার পূর্ণতা। “পুরুষ আর স্ত্রীগুলোকে আলাদা করার একমাত্র উপায় হলো,” আমাকে ওরা বললো, “মেয়ে ছাগলগুলো গর্ভবতী।”

হত্যা আর অগ্নিকাণ্ড: তাদের শাস্তির নমুনা

পৃথিবীর অন্যতম জনবহুল অঞ্চল কুমিল্লার জনসংখ্যার ঘনত্ব হলো প্রতি বর্গমাইল ১,৯০০ জন। অথচ কোথাও কোনো মানুষ দেখা গেলো না। ”বাঙালিরা কোথায়?” কিছুদিন আগে ঢাকার রাস্তাঘাট একেবারে নির্জন দেখে সেনাদলের লোকদের আমি জিজ্ঞেস করেছিলাম। ওদের তৈরী করা উত্তর ছিলো, “সবাই গ্রামে গেছে।” অথচ গ্রামেও কোনো বাঙালি দেখা যাচ্ছিল না। ঢাকার মতো কুমিল্লাও একেবারে জনশূন্য। লাকসাম দিয়ে আসার সময় দশ মাইল পথে হাতে গোনা কয়েকজন কৃষককে দেখলাম। অবশ্য খাকি-পোশাক-পরা পাকসেনারা গম্ভীর মুখে অটোমেটিক রাইফেল হাতে রাস্তায় অবস্থান করছিল। আদেশমাফিক রাইফেল হাতছাড়া করেনি কেউ। ট্রিগার-সুখী কঠিন লোকজন সবসময় রাস্তা পাহারা দিচ্ছে। যেখানে পাকসেনা, সেখানে কোনো বাঙালিকে পাওয়া যাবে না।

রেডিও এবং খবরের কাগজে সামরিক আইন ঘোষণা করা হচ্ছে মুহূর্মুহু — চোরাগোপ্তা হামলার জন্য ধরা পড়লে শাস্তি মৃত্যুদণ্ড। রাস্তা বা ব্রিজ ধ্বংস বা খোঁড়ার চেষ্টা করলে ক্ষতিগ্রস্থ অঞ্চলের একশ গজের ভেতর সমস্ত বাড়িকে এর জন্য দায়ী করা হবে এবং সেগুলোর ধ্বংসসাধন করা হবে। কার্যক্ষেত্রে ঘোষণাগুলোর চাইতে ভয়াবহ সব পদক্ষেপে নেয়া হয়েছে। ‘শাস্তিমূলক ব্যবস্থা’ এমন একটি বিষয় হয়ে দাঁড়িয়েছে যে বাঙালিরা বেপরোয়া ও সহিংস হতে বাধ্য হয়েছে।

এর যে কী ভয়াবহ অর্থ তা দেখেছি ১৭ এপ্রিল চাঁদপুর যাওয়ার পথে হাজীগঞ্জে। বিদ্রোহীরা, যারা এখনো এ-অঞ্চলে তৎপর, গত রাতে ১৫ ফুট দীর্ঘ একটা ব্রিজ ভেঙে ফেলেছে। মেজর রাঠোরের (জি-২ অপারেশনস্) মাধ্যমে জানা গেলো, তৎক্ষণাৎ এই এলাকায় একদল সেনাদল পাঠিয়ে দেয়া হলো শাস্তিমূলক ব্যবস্থা নেয়ার জন্য। ব্রিজের সিকি মাইলব্যাপী অঞ্চলে পেঁচিয়ে ওঠা ঘন ধোঁয়া দেখা যাচ্ছিল তখনও। সাময়িকভাবে কাঠের তক্তা দিয়ে সারানো ব্রিজটি সাবধানে পার হওয়ার সময় দেখলাম ডানদিকের গ্রাম্য বাড়িগুলোতেও আগুন লকলকিয়ে উঠছে।

গ্রামের পেছন দিকে কিছু জওয়ান আগুন ছড়ানোর চেষ্টা করছিল নারকেলের ছোবড়া দিয়ে। এগুলো কাজও দিচ্ছিল ভালো। কারণ সাধারণত রান্নার কাজে এগুলো ব্যবহার করা হয়। পথের অন্যদিকে ধানক্ষেতের ওপারের গ্রামেও আগুনের চিহ্ন দেখা গেল। বাঁশঝাড় আর কুঁড়েঘরগুলো তখনও পুড়ছিল। শত শত গ্রামবাসী পাকসেনা আসার আগের রাতেই পালিয়ে গেছে। যাওয়ার সময় মেজর রাঠোর বললেন, ”এই দুর্দশাকে তারা নিজেরাই ডেকে এনেছে।” আমি বললাম, “সামান্য কিছু বিদ্রোহীর জন্য নিরপরাধ লোকদের ওপর এটা বড় বেশি নির্মমতা হয়ে গেছে।” তিনি কোনো উত্তর দিলেন না।

কয়েকঘণ্টা পরেই চাঁদপুর থেকে ফেরার সময় আমরা আবার হাজীগঞ্জ দিয়ে আসছিলাম। ‘হত্যা আর অগ্নিকাণ্ড অভিযান’-এর বর্বরতা আমি স্বচক্ষে দেখলাম তখন। দুপুরবেলা সে-এলাকার ওপর দিয়ে বেশ কড়া ঝড় বয়ে গেছে। এখন শহরের ওপর পড়েছে মসজিদের মিনারের ভৌতিক ছায়া। পেছনের খোলা জিপে ক্যাপ্টেন আজহার আর চারজন জওয়ানের ইউনিফর্ম গুঁড়ি গুঁড়ি বৃষ্টিতে চুপসানো। বাঁক নিতেই মসজিদের বাইরে আমরা ট্রাকের একটা বহর থেমে থাকতে দেখলাম। গুনে দেখলাম জওয়ান-ভর্তি সাতটা ট্রাক। বহরটির সামনে ছিল একটা জিপ। দু’জন লোক তৃতীয় একজনের নেতৃত্বে পথের পাশে একশোরও বেশি দোকানের বন্ধ দরজা ভাঙার চেষ্টা করছে। দু’টো কুঠার দিয়ে এই ভাঙার চেষ্টা চলছিল, মেজর রাঠোর তার টয়োটা সেখানে থামালেন।

“তোমরা এখানে কী করছ?”
তিনজনের মধ্যে লম্বা লোকটা, যে ভাংচুরের তত্ত্বাবধান করছিল, আমাদের দিকে চেঁচিয়ে উঠল, “মোটু, আমরা কী করছি বলে তোমার মনে হয়?” কণ্ঠস্বর চিনতে পেরে, মেজর রাঠোর মিষ্টি একটা হাসি দিলেন। আমাকে জানালেন তিনি হলেন তার পুরনো দোস্ত ইফতি — টুয়েলভথ ফ্রন্ট্রিয়ার্স ফোর্স রাইফেলের মেজর ইফতিখার।
রাঠোর বললেন, “আমি ভেবেছিলাম কেউ লুট করছে।”
“লুট? না না।” জবাব দিল ইফতিখার, “আমরা শুধু খুন করছি আর আগুন জ্বালাচ্ছি।”
হাত নাড়িয়ে তিনি বোঝালেন যে এসব তিনি ধ্বংস করবেন।
“ক’জনকে ধরতে পেরেছ?” রাঠোর জিজ্ঞেস করলেন।
ইফতিখার ভ্রূঁ নাচিয়ে হাসলেন।
“বল।” রাঠোর আবার জিজ্ঞেস করলেন। “ক’জনকে ধরেছ?”
“মাত্র বারোজন।” তিনি জবাব দিলেন, “আল্লাহর রহমতে আমরা ওদের পেয়েছি। লোকদের ধাওয়া করার জন্য না পাঠালে তো ওরা পালিয়েই যেত।”
মেজর রাঠোরের উৎসাহে ইফতিখার তার ঘটনার বর্ণনা শুরু করলেন বিস্তৃতভাবে। কীভাবে হাজীগঞ্জে ব্যাপক অন্বেষণের পর একটা বাড়িতে লুকিয়ে থাকা বারোজন হিন্দুকে তিনি খুঁজে পেয়েছেন তা রসিয়ে বললেন। তাদের সবাইকে ‘নিকাশ করে দেয়া হয়েছে।’ এখন মেজর ইফতেখার এখন ব্যস্ত তার দ্বিতীয় অভিযানে, অগ্নিকাণ্ডে।

ইতোমধ্যে একটি দোকানের দরজা ভেঙে ফেলা হয়েছে। বাংলায় দোকানটিতে লেখা আছে ‘মেডিকেল এন্ড স্টোরস’। বাংলা লেখার নিচে সেই সাইনবোর্ডে ইংরেজিতে লেখা আছে ‘অশোক মেডিকেল এন্ড স্টোরস’। তার নিচে লেখা ছিল ‘প্রোপাইটর এ এম বোস”। তালা মেরে অন্যান্যদের মতো জনাব বোসও হাজীগঞ্জ থেকে পালিয়েছেন। দোকানের সামনে ছিল একটা প্রদর্শন কক্ষ। ওষুধ, কফ সিরাপ, ম্যাঙ্গো স্কোয়াসের বোতল, ইমিটেশনের অলঙ্কার, রঙিন পোশাকের প্যাকেট ইত্যাদি অনেক কিছু ওতে সাজানো ছিল। ইফতিখার লাথি মেরে সব ভাঙ্গতে লাগলেন। তিনি কিছু চটের ব্যাগ নিলেন। অন্য একটি তাক থেকে নিল কিছু প্লাস্টিকের খেলনা আর রুমালের বাণ্ডিল। তারপর মেঝেতে সব জড়ো করে টয়োটায় বসা এক জওয়ানের কাছ থেকে দেশলাই নিয়ে এলেন। ওই জওয়ানের মাথায় বুদ্ধিসুদ্ধি ভালোই ছিল। সে গাড়ি থেকে লাফ দিয়ে নেমে দৌড় দিয়ে দোকানে ঢুকে একটা ছাতা বের করে আনল। ইফতিখার তাকে বেরিয়ে যাওয়ার আদেশ করলেন।

লুট করা, তিনি মনে করিয়ে দিলেন, নিয়মবিরুদ্ধ। এরপর দ্রুত আগুন ধরিয়ে দিলেন ইফতিখার। চটের জ্বলন্ত স্তূপ তিনি ছুঁড়ে দিলেন দোকানের এক কোণে, অন্য কোণে কাপড়ের বাণ্ডিল। মুহূর্তেই দোকানটি দাউদাউ করে জ্বলে উঠল। মিনিটখানেকর মধ্যেই একটি দোকান পরে তেলের দোকানে আগুন পৌঁছলে বন্ধ শাটারের পেছনে আগুনের আওয়াজ শোনা গেল। এ-সময়ে ঘনায়মান অন্ধকার দেখে রাঠোর উদ্বিগ্ন হয়ে উঠলেন। আবার আমাদের যাত্রা শুরু হল। পরদিন দেখা হতেই মেজর ইফতিখার আমাকে বললেন, “আমি মাত্র ষাটটা ঘর জ্বালিয়েছি। বৃষ্টি না এলে সবগুলোই শেষ করে করে ফেলতাম।”

মুজাফফরগঞ্জের কয়েক মাইল দূরে এক গ্রামে আমাদের থামানো হলো। দেখা গেল একজন মাটির দেয়ালের সঙ্গে কুঁকড়ে রয়েছে। এক জওয়ান সর্তক করে দিল যে সে ফৌজি হতে পারে। কিন্ত কিছুক্ষণ সর্তক নিরীক্ষণের পর বোঝা গেলো, সে একটি মিষ্টি হিন্দু মেয়ে। আর খোদাই জানে কার জন্য মেয়েটি নিরবে অপেক্ষা করছিল। এক জওয়ান দশ বছর ইস্ট পাকিস্তান রাইফেলে কাজ করার সুবাদে কিছু বাজারী বাংলা রপ্ত করেছিলো। সে মেয়েটিকে গ্রামে চলে যাওয়ার নির্দেশ দিলো। ওখানে বসে থেকেই মেয়েটি কী যেন বিড়বিড় করল। তখন তাকে দ্বিতীয়বার নির্দেশ দেয়া হল। তবু চলে আসার পরও সে ওখানেই বসে রইল। আমাকে জানানো হল, “মেয়েটির যাওয়ার জায়গা নেই — না আছে পরিবার না আছে ঘর।”

হত্যা ও অগ্নিকাণ্ড অভিযানের অংশগ্রহণকারীদের মধ্যে মেজর ইফতিখারও একজন। বিদ্রোহীদের খুঁজে বের করার নামে হিন্দু ও ‘দুষ্কৃতিকারীদের’ (বিপ্লবীদের অফিসিয়াল পরিভাষা) অবাধে খুন করার এবং আশপাশের সবকিছু জ্বালিয়ে দেবার অনুমতি তারা পেয়েছে। এই টিঙটিঙে পাঞ্জাবী অফিসারটি নিজের কাজ নিয়ে কথা বলতে পছন্দ করেন। কুমিল্লার সার্কিট হাউজে ইফতিখারের সঙ্গে যাবার সময় তিনি তার সাম্প্রতিক কর্মকাণ্ডের ফিরিস্তি দিলেন।

“আমি এক বুড়োকে পেয়েছিলাম”, তিনি বললেন। “হারামজাদার দাড়ি ছিলো, আর ভান করছিলো পাক্কা মুসলমানের মতো। এমনকি নিজের নাম বলল আব্দুল মান্নান। কিন্তু মেডিক্যাল ইন্সপেকশনে পাঠাতেই ওর খেল খতম হয়ে গেল।” ইফতিখার বলে যাচ্ছিলেন, “আমি তাকে তক্ষুণি সেখানে শেষ করে ফেলতে চেয়েছিলাম। কিন্তু আমার লোকেরা বললো — এরকম জারজের জন্যে তিনটা গুলি দরকার। তাই আমি তাকে একটা গুলি করলাম গোপনাঙ্গে, একটা পেটে। তারপর মাথায় গুলি করে তাকে খতম করে দিলাম।”

আমি যখন চলে আসি তখন তাকে নেতৃত্ব-ক্ষমতা প্রদান করে উত্তর ব্রাহ্মণবাড়িয়ায় পাঠানো হয়েছে। আবারো তার অভিযান হত্যা আর অগ্নিকাণ্ড।

আতঙ্কে মুহ্যমান হয়ে বাঙালিদের দুটো প্রতিক্রিয়া হয়। যারা পালাতে পারে তারা সঙ্গে সঙ্গে অন্তর্হিত হয়। পাকসেনার উপস্থিতিতে যারা পালাতে পারে না তারা বশ্য ক্রীতদাসের মতো আচরণ করে — যা তাদের কপালে দুর্ভোগ ছাড়া অন্য কিছুই বয়ে আনে না। চাঁদপুর ছিল প্রথমটির উদাহরণ।

মেঘনা নদীবন্দর সংলগ্ন এই অঞ্চল আগে ব্যবসা-কেন্দ্র হিসেবে খুবই বিখ্যাত ছিল। রাত্রিবেলা নদীর পাড়ে ভেড়ানো হাজারো নৌকা আলোয় আলোয় এক রূপকথার রাজ্য বানিয়ে ফেলে। চাঁদপুর জনমানবহীন হয়ে পড়ে ১৮ই এপ্রিলে। না ছিল মানুষ, না কোনো নৌকা। বড়জোর এক শতাংশ মানুষ সেখানে ছিল। বাদবাকিরা, বিশেষ করে মোট জনসংখ্যার প্রায় অর্ধাংশ হিন্দুরা, পালিয়ে গিয়েছিল। ওরা পালিয়ে গেলেও বাড়িতে, দোকানে, ছাদে হাজার হাজার পাকিস্তানী পাতাকা উড়ছিল। মনে হচ্ছিল জনমানুষ ছাড়াই জাতীয় দিবস উদযাপিত হচ্ছে। হিংস্র দৃষ্টি থেকে বাঁচবার জন্যেই ছিল এই ব্যবস্থা। এই পতাকা ছিল তাদের আত্মরক্ষার উপায়।

কীভাবে যেন তারা জেনেছে পাকিস্তানী পতাকা ওড়ালে পাকসেনাদের হিংস্র ও নির্মম ধংসাত্মক তৎপরতা থেকে রক্ষা পওয়া যাবে। পতাকা কীভাবে বানানো হচ্ছে সেদিকে কোনো খেয়াল রাখা হয়নি, কোনো রকমে একটা চাঁদতারা থাকলেই যথেষ্ট। ওগুলোর রঙ, কাঠামো গড়ন তাই হয়েছে বিচিত্র। সবুজের জায়গায় কোনোটার জমি নীল। তারা যে বাংলাদেশী পতাকার মালমশলা দিয়ে এই পতাকা বানিয়েছে এটা নিশ্চিত। সবুজের জায়গায় সর্বত্র দেখা গেছে নীল পতাকা। চাঁদপুরের মতো একই দৃশ্যের পুনরাবৃত্তি ঘটেছে হাজীগঞ্জ, মুজাফফরগঞ্জ, কসবা আর ব্রাহ্মণবাড়িয়ায়। কিন্তু পতাকা উড়েছে — ভৌতিক পতাকা।

একটি ‘কুচকাওয়াজ’ ও একটি চেনা ইশারা

আরেক ক্রীতদাসসুলভ বশ্যতা দেখা গেছে লাকসামে। পরদিন সকালে যখন আমি শহরে ঢুকি তখন বিপ্লবীমুক্ত হয়ে গেছে। দেখতে পেলাম শুধু পাকসেনা এবং আক্ষরিক অর্থে হাজার হাজার পাকিস্তানী পতাকা। সেখানকার মেজর ইন-চার্জ পুলিশ-স্টেশনে ঘাঁটি গেড়েছিলেন, মেজর রাঠোর সেখানে আমাদের নিয়ে গেলেন। আমার সহকর্মী পাক-টিভির একজন ক্যামেরাম্যান একটা প্রচারণা-ফিল্মের কাজে লাকসামে এসেছেন, ‘স্বাভাবিকতা ফিরে আসছে’ নামের নিয়মিত এই সিরিজ প্রতিদিন স্বাগত- কুচকাওয়াজ আর ‘শান্তিসভার’ খবর প্রচার করতো।

সে কীভাবে এটা করে ভেবে আমি বিস্মিত হয়েছিলাম, কিন্তু মেজর জানালেন জিনিসটা মোটেও সুমধুর নয়। “হারামজাদারা এর চেয়ে বেশি মাত্রায় এসে ব্যাপারটাকে দর্শনীয় করে তুলতে পারে। আমাকে বিশ মিনিট সময় দাও।” ৩৯তম বেলুচ ল্যাফটেন্যান্ট জাবেদের ওপর ভার পড়েছিল জনতাকে একত্রিত করার। তিনি দাড়িওয়ালা বুড়ো একজন লোককে ডাকলেন। তাকে আনা হয়েছে বানানো সাক্ষাৎকার দেয়ার জন্যে। লোকটি, পরে জানিয়েছিলেন তার নাম মৌলানা সৈয়দ মোহাম্মদ সাইদুল হক, বললেন তিনি একজন “খাঁটি মুসলিম লীগার; আওয়ামী লীগের লোক নন”। (১৯৪৭ সনে স্বাধীন পাকিস্তান আন্দোলনের নেতৃত্ব দিয়েছিলো মুসলিম লীগ।) খুশি করার জন্যে তিনি আগ্রহের সাঙ্গে আরো জানালেন, “বিশ মিনিটের মধ্যে আমি আপনাদের অবশ্যই অন্তঃতপক্ষে ষাটজন লোক জোগাড় করে দেব।” জাবেদকে তিনি বললেন, “দু’ঘন্টা সময় দিলে দুশো জন লোক জোগাড় করতে পারব।”

মৌলানা সাইদুল হকের সাচ্চা জবান। মেজরের দেয়া চমৎকার নারকেলের দুধে যেই চুমুক দিয়েছি, অমনি দূর থেকে আওয়াজ ভেসে এলো — “পাকিস্তান জিন্দাবাদ!” “পাকসেনা জিন্দাবাদ!” “মুসলিম লীগ জিন্দাবাদ!” ( জিন্দাবাদ হলো ‘চিরজীবী হোক’-এর উর্দু শব্দ।) কিছুক্ষণ পরেই তাদের কুচকাওয়াজ করে আসতে দেখা গেল। ওদের মধ্যে বুড়ো অসুস্থ লোক আর হাঁটুসমান ছেলেপিলে মিলিয়ে পঞ্চাশজন মানুষ ছিল। সবাই পাকিস্তানী পতাকা উঁচিয়ে গলা ফাটিয়ে চেঁচাচ্ছিল। লেফটেন্যান্ট জাভেদ আমাকে একটি চেনা ইশারা দিলেন। মিনিটখানেকর মধ্যে কুচকাওয়াজটি একটি জনসভায় পরিণত হল, একটি মাইক জোগাড় হয়ে গেল, বক্তৃতা করতে আগ্রহীর সংখ্যা বাড়তে থাকল।

সৈনিকদের উদ্দেশ্যে স্বাগত ভাষণ দেয়ার জন্যে সামনে ঠেলে দেয়া হল মাহবুব-উর রহমানকে। ‘এন এফ কলেজের ইংরেজি ও আরবির অধ্যাপক এবং মুসলিম লীগের আজীবন সদস্য’ হিসেবে তিনি নিজের পরিচয় দিলেন। পরিচয় দেয়ার পরে তিনি নিজস্ব কায়দায় বলা শুরু করলেন, “পাঞ্জাবী ও বাঙালিরা পাকিস্তানের জন্যে একত্র হয়েছে। আমাদের রয়েছে নিজস্ব ঐতিহ্য ও সংস্কৃতি। কিন্তু হিন্দু ও আওয়ামী লীগারদের কারণে আমরা সন্ত্রাসের কবলে পড়েছি এবং আমরা এগিয়ে যাচ্ছিলাম ধ্বংসের দিকে। ঈশ্বরকে ধন্যবাদ যে পাঞ্জাবী সৈনিকেরা আমাদের রক্ষা করেছে। তারা বিশ্বের সেরা সৈনিকদল এবং মানবতার নায়ক। আমরা হৃদয়ের অতল গভীর থেকে তাদের শ্রদ্ধা করি ও ভালোবাসি।” এবং এভাবেই সে বেশ কিছুক্ষণ চালিয়ে গেল।

‘সভা’শেষে মেজরকে জিগ্যেস করলাম ভাষণ সম্পর্কে তিনি কী ভাবছেন। ”উদ্দেশ্য সফল হয়েছে” তিনি বললেন, “কিন্তু এই হারামজাদাকে আমি মোটেই বিশ্বাস করি না। তার নামও আমার তালিকায় রাখব।”

পূর্ব বাংলার যন্ত্রণা এখনও শেষ হয়নি। সবচেয়ে খারাপ সময় এখনও আসেনি। ‘বিশুদ্ধি অভিযান’ শেষ না-হওয়া পর্যন্ত পাকসেনারা ফিরে না-আসার ব্যাপারে দৃঢপ্রতিজ্ঞ। আর এই কাজের অর্ধেক মাত্র এখন পর্যন্ত সম্পন্ন হয়েছে। ৯ম ও ১৬শ, এই দুই ডিভিশন পাক সেনাকে বাঙালি বিদ্রোহী ও হিন্দুদের খুঁজে বের করার জন্যে পশ্চিম পাকিস্তান থেকে পাঠানো হয়েছে। পাকিস্তানের মতো দেশের জন্য এই পরিমাণ যথেষ্ট কার্যকরী। পশ্চিম থেকে পূর্ব পাকিস্তানে পাঠানো হয়েছে ২৫০০০-এরও বেশি লোক। ২৮শে মার্চ দুই ডিভিশন সৈন্যকে ৪৮ ঘন্টার নোটিশ দেয়া হয়েছিল রওয়ানা হবার জন্য। খরিযান ও মুলতান থেকে করাচিতে তাদের আনা হয়েছিলো ট্রেনে করে। হালকা বেড রোল ও সামরিক র‌্যাকসাকসহ জাতীয় এয়ারলাইন পিআইএ-র বিমানে তাদের নিয়ে আসা হয়েছে ঢাকায় (তাদের অস্ত্রশস্ত্র সমুদ্রপথে পাঠানো হয়েছিল)। পিআইয়ের সাতটি বোয়িং বিমান আন্তর্জাতিক ও অভ্যন্তরীণ ফ্লাইট বাতিল করে সিলোন দিয়ে দীর্ঘ ১৪ দিন ধরে তাদের পূর্ব পাকিস্তানে নিয়ে এসেছে। এয়ার-ফোর্সের কিছু ট্রান্সপোর্ট-এয়ারক্র্যাফট এব্যাপারে সাহায্য করেছে।

পাকসেনারা তৎক্ষণাৎই পূর্ব-কমাণ্ডের ১৪শ ডিভিশনের অস্ত্রপাতি নিয়ে তৎপরতায় নেমে গেছে। কুমিল্লা থেকে নিয়ন্ত্রিত ৯ম ডিভিশনকে নির্দেশ দেয়া হয়েছিলো পূর্ব-সীমান্ত বন্ধ করে দিতে― যাতে বিপ্লবীরা তাদের চলাফেরা ও সরঞ্জাম-সরবরাহ না-করতে পারে। যশোর হেডকোয়ার্টারের সঙ্গে মিলে ১৬শ ডিভিশনও প্রদেশের পশ্চিম সীমান্তে একই ধরনের কাজে ন্যস্ত ছিলো। মে মাসের তৃতীয় সপ্তাহের ভেতরে তারা এই কাজ সম্পন্ন করে ফেলে। যেসব বিপ্লবী ভারতে পালাতে পারেনি―ইস্পাত আর আগুনের বৃত্তে তারা বন্দি হয়ে পড়ে―দুই সেনা ডিভিশন তাদের জন্যে ব্যাপক চিরুনি-অপারেশন কর্মসূচী গ্রহণ করে। কাজেই নিঃসন্দেহে আশংকা করা যায়, সীমান্তের সহিংসতা এখন মধ্যাঞ্চালে শুরু হবে। এটি হবে আরো বেদনাদায়ক। মানুষদের পালানোর আর কোনো পথ থাকবে না।

৯ম ডিভিশনের জি-১-এর পুষ্পপ্রেমিক লেফটেন্যান্ট জেনারেল বেগ ২০শে এপ্রিল ধারণা পোষণ করেছিলেন যে এই অনুসন্ধান কর্মসূচী দু’মাস অর্থাৎ জুনের মাঝামাঝি পর্যন্ত সময় নেবে। কিন্তুু এই পরিকল্পনা বিফলে গেছে বলে মনে হচ্ছে। গেরিলা কায়দা গ্রহণকারী এই বিপ্লবীদের সামরিক কর্মকর্তারা যত সহজে দমন করবেন বলে আশা করেছিলেন, বাস্তবে তা ঘটেনি। বিচ্ছিন্ন ও আপাত অসংগঠিত গেরিলারা পরিকল্পিতভাবে রাস্তা ও রেলপথের ধ্বংসসাধন করে পাক সেনাদের কাবু করে ফেলছে। কারণ এর ফলে তাদের যাতায়াত-ব্যবস্থা ভেঙে পড়েছে। ৯ম ডিভিশনের কাজও অনাকাক্সিক্ষতভাবে পিছিয়ে গেছে এজন্যে। এদিকে তিন মাসব্যাপী ঝড়বাদলের মৌসুম চলে আসায় সামরিক কার্যক্রম বন্ধ হবার যোগাড় হয়েছে।

বর্ষাকালের জন্যে পাক সরকার মে-র দ্বিতীয় সপ্তাহে চীনের কাছ থেকে নয়টি বৃষ্টিরোধক গানবোট নিয়ে এসেছে। বাদবাকিগুলোও আসার পথে। আশি টনী, ব্যাপক গোলাবর্ষণ-ক্ষমতাধারী এই গানবোটগুলো বিমান বাহিনী ও আর্টিলারীর সৈনিকদের এখন পর্যন্ত ব্যবহারের জন্যে দেয়া হয়েছে। কিন্তু বৃষ্টি এলে এগুলো কাজ করবে না। এই বোটগুলোবে সহায়তা করবে কয়েকশ দেশীয় পরিবহণ যা সেনাবাহিনীর ব্যবহারের জন্য ইস্যু ও পরিবর্তিত করা হয়েছে। সেনাবাহিনী বিদ্রোহীদের খোঁজে জলপথেও বেরুতে চায়।

পূর্ব বাংলার উপনিবেশীকরণ

বণ্টন-ব্যবস্থা ভেঙ্গে পড়ায় দুর্ভিক্ষের সম্ভাবনা প্রকট হয়ে উঠেছে। পূর্ব পাকিস্তানের সতেরোটির মধ্যে তেরোটি জেলাতেই খাদ্যের অভাব আছেÑযা পূরণ করা হয় চাল ও গমের পর্যাপ্ত আমদানির মাধ্যমে। গৃহযুদ্ধের জন্যে এবছর আর তা সম্ভব হচ্ছে না। ছয়টি বড়ো ও সহস্রাধিক ছোটোখাটো ব্রিজ বিধ্বস্ত হয়ে গেছে, অনেক রাস্তাঘাটও অতিক্রমের অযোগ্য হয়ে পড়েছে। রেল-যোগাযোগও একই ভাবে ধ্বংস করা হয়েছে, যদিও সরকার বলছে যে সবকিছু “প্রায় স্বাভাবিক’’। ৭ই মে পর্যস্ত তৎপরতা চালিয়ে বিপ্লবীরা চট্রগ্রাম সমুদ্র-বন্দর থেকে উত্তর পর্যন্ত সড়ক ও রেল যোগাযোগ, বিশেষ করে ফেনীর মতো বিশিষ্ট সড়ক, জংশন ধ্বংস করে দিয়েছে। খাদ্যদ্রব্য সরবরাহ করা যাচ্ছে না এই ধ্বংসকাণ্ডের জন্যে। স্বাভাবিক সময়ে চট্রগ্রাম থেকে অন্যান্য এলাকায় নৌপথে ১৫ শতাংশ খাদ্য সরবরাহ করা হয়। বাকি ৮৫ ভাগ সরবরাহ করা হয় সড়ক ও রেলপথে। এমনকি নৌপথের পূর্ণ যোগাযোগ ও তৎপরতা গ্রহণ করা গেলেও চট্টগ্রাম গুদামে জমা খাদ্য মজুতের ৭০ শতাংশ খাদ্য সরবরাহ সম্ভব হবে না।

অন্য দুটো কারণও এর সঙ্গে যোগ করা দরকার। প্রথমত দুর্ভিক্ষের মোকাবেলার জন্যে লোকজন খাদ্যশস্য নিজেদের কাছেই মজুত করে রেখেছে। এই অবস্থা আরো ভয়াবহ পরিস্থিতির জন্ম দিয়েছে। অপরটি হলো দুর্ভিক্ষ সম্পর্কে জনসাধারণকে ওয়াকিবহাল করার ব্যাপারে পাক সরকারের অস্বীকৃতি। পূর্ব বাংলার সামরিক গভর্নর লেফটেন্যান্ট জেনারেল টিক্কা খান ১৮ই এপ্রিল এক বেতারভাষণে বলেন যে খাদ্যশস্যের সরবরাহের ব্যাপরে তিনি ওয়াকিবহাল আছেন। তখন থেকে সরকারি সব কায়দা ব্যবহার করা হয়েছে খাদ্য-সংকটের তথ্য গোপন করার ব্যাপারে। এর কারণ হল, এসবের পূর্বে সাইক্লোনের কারণে সৃষ্ট দুর্ভিক্ষের মতো দুর্ভিক্ষে বিপুল বৈদেশিক সাহায্যের প্রবাহ তৈরি হবে এবং বণ্টন-ব্যবস্থা দেখতে পরিদর্শন-দল আসবে। তা হলে হত্যাকাণ্ডের খবর বিশ্ববাাসীর কাছে গোপন রাখা অসম্ভব হয়ে পড়বে। সেজন্যে বিশুদ্ধি অভিযান শেষ না হওয়া পর্যন্ত ক্ষুধার কারণে লোকের মৃত্যুকে স্বাভাবিকভাবেই গ্রহণ করা হয়েছে। কৃষি উন্নয়ন ব্যাংকের চেয়ারম্যান জনাব কারনির সঙ্গে কিছুদিন আগে এই সমস্যা নিয়ে কথা হয়েছিল। করাচীতে শীতাতপ নিয়ন্ত্রিত সুসজ্জিত অফিসে দুর্ভিক্ষ প্রসঙ্গে নির্দয়ের মতো তিনি বলেন, ‘এই দুর্ভিক্ষ তাদের স্যাবোটাজের ফল। কাজেই, তাদের মরতে দাও। মনে হয় এতে বাঙালিদের বোধোদয় হবে।’

সামরিক সরকারের পূর্ব বাংলা-নীতি আপাতভাবে এত স্ববিরোধী ও আত্মবিনাশী ছিলো যে শাসকরা নিজেরাই কোনো সিদ্ধান্ত নিতে পারছিল না। প্রথমদিকে বলপ্রয়োগের ভ্রান্ত নীতি গ্রহণ করে সরকার অযৌক্তিকভাবে ও বোকার মতো জল ঘোলা করে ফেলেছে। এর আপাত কিছু কারণ ছিলো। একদিকে, এটা সত্যি যে সন্ত্রাসের তীব্রতা হ্রাস হয়নি। কিন্তু দমননীতি পূর্ব বাংলার বিক্ষোভের কারণ হয়ে দাঁড়িয়েছে। একারণে প্রতিদিন সরকারের হাজার হাজার শত্র“ গড়ে উঠছে এবং পাকিস্তানকে ঠেলে দিচ্ছে বিচ্ছিন্নতার পথে।

অন্যদিকে, কোনো সরকারই সচেতন হতে পারে নি যে এই নীতিমালা ব্যর্থ হতে পারে (পূর্ব বাংলাকে অনির্দিষ্টভাবে আটকে রাখার জন্য যথেষ্ট পশ্চিম পাকিস্তানী নেই)। দৃঢ় প্রশাসনিক ও অর্থনৈতিক কারণে এবং বৈদেশিক উন্নয়ন সহযোগিতায় বিশেষত আমেরিকার কঠোর বিবেচনার কারণে, যত দ্রুত সম্ভব একটি রাজনৈতিক সমঝোতা প্রয়োজন। রাষ্ট্রপতি ইয়াহিয়া খানের ২৫শে মে-র সংবাদ-সম্মেলন জানান দেন যে তিনি বিষয়গুলোর গুরুত্ব সম্পর্কে ওয়াকিবহাল। এবং তিনি বলেন যে মধ্য জুনে প্রতিনিধিত্বমূলক সরকারের ব্যাপারে তিনি তার পরিকল্পনার কথা ঘোষণা করবেন।

এসবকিছু এটাই নির্দেশ করছে যে, পাকিস্তানের সামরিক সরকার স্ববিরোধী আচরণ করছে এবং দেশের ২৪ বছরের ইতিহাসে সবচেয়ে তীব্র সঙ্কটের সমাধানে উল্টোপথে হাঁটা শুরু করেছে। এটি হল বি¯তৃতভাবে ফুটে ওঠা চিত্র। কিন্তু এটা কি সত্য? আমার ব্যক্তিগত মত হল এসব সত্য নয়। পশ্চিম পাকিস্তানে নেতারা কী বলেন, আর পূর্বে কাজে কী করেন এই দুইটি চিত্রই আমার সরাসরি দেখার দুঃখজনক সুযোগ হয়েছে। আমি মনে করি সরকারের র্প্বূ বাংলার নীতিতে সত্যিকার অর্থে কোনো স্ববিরোধ নেই। পূর্ব বাংলায় উপনিবেশীকরণ প্রক্রিয়া চলেছে। এটা আমার কোনো স্বে^চ্ছাচারী মতামত নয়। বাস্তবতা নিজেই সে কথা বলছে।

পূর্ব বাংলা বিচ্ছিন্নতাবাদের সমস্ত চিহ্ন বিলোপ করাই পাক সামরিক বাহিনীর প্রথম বিবেচনা ছিল এবং এখনো আছে। ২৫শে মার্চ থেকে সরকার পূর্ব ও পশ্চিম পাকিস্তানে চলমান দমননীতির মাধ্যমে এবং যেকোনো উপায়ে এই সিদ্ধান্ত বজায় রেখে চলেছে। ঠাণ্ডা মাথায় এসব সিদ্ধান্ত নেয়া হয়েছে এবং ঠাণ্ডা মাথায় সেদিকে এগুচ্ছেও। পূর্ব বাংলায় ধ্বংসলীলা চলার সময় কোনো অর্থপূর্ণ ও বাস্তবায়নযোগ্য রাজনৈতিক সমাধান সম্ভব নয়। জটিল প্রশ্ন হল: হত্যাকাণ্ড কি আদৌ থামবে ? ৯ম ডিভিশনের কমান্ডিং অফিসার মেজর জেনারেল শওকত রাজা ১৬ এপ্রিল কুমিল্লায় আমাদের প্রথম সাক্ষাতে এর উত্তর দিয়েছিলেন।

‘‘তুমি নিশ্চিত থাকতে পারো’’, তিনি বললেন, ‘‘আমরা মানুষ আর অর্থ দুদিক থেকেই ব্যাপক আর ব্যয়বহুল অভিযান খামোখা গ্রহণ করিনি। আমরা এটাকে একটা দায়িত্ব হিসেবে নিয়েছি এবং তা শেষ করতে যাচ্ছি। আধাখেচরা করে শেষ করলে রাজনীতিবিদরা এটাকে আবার খুঁচিয়ে তুলবে। তিন চার বছর পর পরই এই সমস্যাটিকে উঠতে দিতে সামরিক বাহিনী নারাজ। সেনাবাহিনীর অন্য প্রয়োজনীয় কাজ আছে। আমি তোমাকে নিশ্চয়তা দিতে পারে, আমরা যে পরিকল্পনা নিয়েছি, তা পুরোপুরি সম্পন্ন করতে পারলে এরকম অভিযানের আর প্রয়োজন হবে না।” কর্মরত তিন ডিভিশনাল কমান্ডারের মধ্যে মেজর জেনারেল শওকত রাজা অন্যতম। অত্যন্ত গুরুত্বপূর্ণ পদে আছেন তিনি। তাকে নিশ্চয় অসংলগ্ন কথা বলার জন্য ঐ পদে রাখা হয়নি।

লক্ষ্যণীয় যে, পূর্ব বাংলায় আমার দশ দিনের সফরে প্রতিটি সামরিক কর্মকর্তার মুখে মেজর জেনারেল শওকত রাজার কথাই প্রতিধ্বনিত হয়েছে। আর রাষ্ট্রপতি ইয়াহিয়া খান জানেন যে যুদ্ধক্ষেত্রে যারা সৈন্য পরিচালনা করছেন তারাই পাকিস্তানের নিয়তির নিয়ন্তা। সামরিক অভিযানই সেনা কর্মকর্তাদের মতৈক্যের প্রমাণ দেয়। যেকোনো মাত্রায়ই এটা একটা প্রধান কাজ। এটা এমন একটা বিষয় যার সুইচ বৃহত্তম ফলাফল ছাড়া অফ বা অন করা যাবে না।

সামরিক বাহিনী তাদের কাজ করে যাচ্ছে

সামরিক বাহিনী ইতোমধ্যে হত এবং আহতের বিরাট পাহাড় গড়েছে। ঢাকায় ব্যক্তিগতভাবে শুনেছি যে সাধারণ মানুষের চেয়ে অফিসারদের বেশি হত্যা করা হয়েছে এবং হতাহতের পরিমাণ ১৯৬৫ সনের সেপ্টেম্বরের পাক-ভারত যুদ্ধকে অতিক্রম করে গেছে। সেনাবাহিনী অবশ্যই এসব ‘জীবনোৎসর্গ’কে রাজনৈতিক সমাধানের খাতিরে, যার প্রচেষ্টা অতীতে বারবার ব্যর্থ প্রমাণিত হয়েছে, পাত্তা দেবে না। তারা যে সিদ্ধান্ত গ্রহণ করেছে এ অবস্থায় তা স্থগিত করলে তা আত্মবিনাশী হয়ে উঠবে। এর মানে এটাই দাঁড়াবে যে, বাঙালি বিপ্লবীদের সঙ্গে তাতে আরো সঙ্কট তৈরি হবে। প্রচণ্ড আক্রোশ এখন দু’পক্ষেই তীব্রভাবে ছড়িয়ে পড়েছে।

আলোচনা সাপেক্ষে সমঝোতাও এখন সম্ভব নয়। এখন সম্পূর্ণ জয় বা পরাজয়ই হল একমাত্র সমাধান। সময় এখন, বিচ্ছিন্ন অসংগঠিত আধুনিক অস্ত্রহীন বিপ্লবীদলের নয়, পাকসেনাদের পক্ষে। কিন্তু অন্যান্য শর্ত যেমন বৃহৎ শক্তিদের দ্বন্দ্ব, পরিস্থিতির চেহারা পুরো পাল্টে দিতে পারে। তবে বর্তমান অবস্থায় পাকিস্তানী সেনাবাহিনীর দিক থেকে লক্ষ্যার্জনের ব্যাপারে তাদের কোনো সন্দেহ নেই। তাই বর্তমান ক্ষয়ক্ষতি তাদের কাছে সম্পূর্ণ গ্রহণযোগ্য বিষয় হিসেবে বিবেচিত হচ্ছে।

ইতোমধ্যেই প্রচুর অর্থ খরচ হয়ে গেছে পূর্ব বাংলায় অভিযান চালাতে গিয়ে, এবং এই ক্রমবর্ধমান ব্যয় ভারই পাক সরকারের প্রতিজ্ঞার পরীক্ষা করছে। তহবিলের ব্যাপক খরচাপাতি এটা স্পষ্ট করে যে সৈন্যদল ব্যবহারের ক্ষেত্রে হিসেব-নিকেশ করে কাজে নামা সেনাবাহিনীর সকল স্তরেই প্রয়োজনীয় অর্থনৈতিক বিনিয়োগের ব্যাপারে অনুমোদন ও সমর্থন রয়েছে। ২৫,০০০ পাকসেনাকে পূর্ব বাংলায় নিয়ে যাবার মতো সাহসী ও ব্যয়বহুল উদ্যোগ শুধু শুধু নেয়া হয়নি। ৯ম ও ১৬শ ডিভিশন দু’টো পশ্চিম পাকিস্তানে সামরিক মজুত হিসেবে রাখা হয়েছিলো । বর্তমানে তাদের নবনিযুক্তি ঘটেছে প্রচণ্ড খরচের মাধ্যমে।

চীন কারাকোরাম মহাসড়ক দিয়ে বিপুল অস্ত্রসাহায্য পাঠিয়েছে। সম্প্রতি এই অস্ত্রবন্যা হ্রাস পেয়েছে বলে মনে হচ্ছে; পাকিস্তানের সামরিক সরকারের প্রতি প্রতিশ্র“তির ব্যাপারে তাদের হয়তো দ্বিতীয় কোনো ভাবনার উদয় হয়েছে। কিন্তু এরপরও বৈদেশিক মুদ্রা সংগ্রহের তলানি থেকে এক মিলিয়ন ডলার মূল্যমানের অস্ত্র ইউরোপীয় অস্ত্র বিক্রেতাদের কাছ থেকে কিনতে পাক-সরকার বিন্দুমাত্র দ্বিধাগ্রস্ত হয়নি। ঢাকা, রাওয়ালপিন্ডি ও করাচিতে সেনা কর্মকর্তাদের সঙ্গে আলোচনা করে আমি নিশ্চিত হয়েছি যে তারা সমস্যা সমাধানের উপায় দেখছে পূর্ব বাংলা অভিযান দ্রুত শেষ করে ফেলার মধ্যে ও ভয়ংকর আক্রমণের মাধ্যমে। এই উদ্দেশ্য সফলের জন্য প্রয়োজনীয় টাকার পরিমাণ সরকারি অন্যান্য সব খরচের ওপরে অবস্থান করছে। উন্নয়ন সত্যিকার অর্থে থেমে গেছে। একবাক্যে বলা যায়, রাজনৈতিক কোনো সমাধান সরকার যদি আন্তরিকভাবে চাইতো তা হলে পূর্ব বাংলার অপারেশন পরিত্যাগ করতো, কিন্তু সরকার তা থেকে সামরিকভাবে প্রতিশ্র“তবদ্ধ হয়ে অনেক দূরে অবস্থান করছে। রাষ্ট্রপতি ইয়াহিয়া এখন বসে আছেন বাঘের পিঠে। তবে তার পিঠে ওঠার আগে অনেক হিসাব-নিকাশও করেছেন।

কাজেই সামরিক সেনাদের সহজে প্রত্যাহার করা হচ্ছে না। ঢাকার ইস্টার্ন কমান্ড হেডকোয়ার্টারে সরকারের পূর্ব বাংলা নীতি সম্পর্কে আমি জানলাম । এর তিনটি সূত্র আছে:

(১) বাঙালিরা নিজেদের ‘অবিশ্বস্ত’ হিসেবে প্রমাণিত করেছে এবং তারা অবশ্যই পশ্চিম পাকিস্তানের দ্বারা শাসিত হবে।
(২) ইসলামী পদ্ধতিতে বাঙালিদের পুনরায় শিক্ষা দিতে হবে। বিচ্ছিন্নতাবাদের প্রবণতা দূর করতে ‘জনগণের ইসলামিকরণ’ (অফিসিয়াল পরিভাষায় এরকমই বলা হয়ে থাকে) করতে হবে এবং পশ্চিম পাকিস্তানের সঙ্গে শক্তিশালী ধর্মীয় বন্ধন তৈরী করতে হবে।
(৩) হত্যা ও দেশত্যাগের মাধ্যমে যখন হিন্দুরা নিশ্চিহ্ন হয়ে যাবে তখন তাদের সম্পত্তি সুযোগবঞ্চিত বাঙালি মুসলমানদের মন জয় করতে সোনালি পুরস্কার হিসেবে ব্যবহৃত হবে। এটা ভবিষ্যতের প্রশাসনিক ও রাজনৈতিক কাঠামোর ভিত্তি স্থাপন করবে।

এই নীতিমালা অত্যন্ত গুরুত্বসহকারে সুপারিশ করা হয়েছে। প্রকাশ্য বিদ্রোহের অপরাধে সরকারি আদেশবলে প্রতিরক্ষাবাহিনীতে আর কোনো বাঙালির নিয়োগ নিষিদ্ধ ঘোষণা করা হয়েছে। বিমানবাহিনী ও নৌবাহিনীর যেসব সিনিয়র অফিসার জড়িত ছিলেন না ‘আগাম-সতর্কতা হিসেবে’ তাদের গুরুত্বহীন জায়গায় বদলি করা হয়েছে। বাঙালি ফাইটার-পাইলট, যাদের মধ্যে কারো কারো পাঁচ বা ততোধিক শত্রু-বিমান ধ্বংসের অভিজ্ঞতা রয়েছে, তাদের গ্রাউন্ডে পাঠানো এবং বিমান-পরিচালনাবহির্ভূত কাজকর্মে নিযুক্তির মাধ্যমে মর্যাদা ক্ষুণ্ন করা হয়েছে। এমনকি দেশের দু’অংশের মধ্যে যাত্রী-পরিবহনে পরিচালিত পিআইয়ের বিমানক্রুদেরকেও বাঙালিমুক্ত করা হয়েছে।

পূর্ব পাকিস্তান রাইফেলস হলো কেবল বাঙালিদের নিয়ে আধাসামরিক বাহিনী; বিদ্রোহ সমাপ্তি না আসা পর্যন্ত তাদের বাতিল করে দেয়া হয়েছে। বিহারী ও পশ্চিম পাকিস্তানের স্বেচ্ছকর্মীদের নিয়ে সিভিল ডিফেন্স ফোর্স নামে নতুন বাহিনী গঠন হয়েছে। পুলিশে নিযুক্তির ব্যাপারেও বাঙালির জায়গায় বিহারীদের নেয়া হচ্ছে। এগুলো তত্ত্বাবধান করছেন পশ্চিম পাকিস্তান থেকে পাঠানো ও সেনাবাহিনী কর্তৃক অনুমোদিত কর্মকর্তাগণ। চাঁদপুরের এপ্রিল মাসের শেষদিকে পুলিশ সুপারিন্টেন্ডেন্ট ছিলেন একজন মিলিটারি-পুলিশ-মেজর। শত শত পশ্চিম পাকিস্তানী সরকারি কর্মচারী ডাক্তার এবং রেডিও, টিভি, টেলিগ্রাফ ও টেলিফোন কলাকৌশলীদের পূর্ব পাকিস্তানে পাঠানো হয়েছে। এদর সবাইকেই দেয়া হয়েছে এক বা দুই ধাপ প্রমোশনের লোভ। অবশ্য এই বদলী করা হয়েছে বাধ্যতামূলকভাবে। সরকারি কর্মকর্তাদের দেশের যে কোনো স্থানে ইচ্ছেমত বদলী করার ব্যাপারে প্রেসিডেন্ট ইয়াহিয়া সাম্প্রতিককালে একটি নির্দেশনামা জারি করেছেন।

বিশ্ববিদ্যালয়ে ‘অনুসন্ধান’

আমাকে বলা হয়েছে যে ভবিষ্যতে ডেপুটি কমিশনার বা পূর্ব বাংলার কমিশনারদের নেয়া হবে হয় বিহারী নয়তো পূর্ব পাকিস্তানী সরকারী কর্মকর্তাদের মধ্য থেকে। জানা গেছে যে, জেলা ডেপুটি কমিশনাররা আওয়ামী লীগের বিচ্ছিন্নতাবাদী আন্দোলনের সঙ্গে ঘনিষ্ঠভাবে যুক্ত। কোনো কোনো ক্ষেত্রে, যেমন কুমিল্লায়, এসব ডেপুটি কমিশনারদের ধরা হয়েছে এবং গুলি করে হত্যা করা হয়েছে। কুমিল্লার সেই বিশেষ কর্মকর্তাটি ‘শেখ মুজিবের লিখিত নির্দেশ ছাড়া’ পেট্রল ও খাদ্য সরবরাহ করতে অস্বীকৃতি জানানোয় পাকসেনাদের রোষে নিপতিত হন ২০ মার্চ।

সরকার পূর্ব বাংলার কলেজ ও বিশ্ববিদ্যালয়গুলোর ওপরও হিংস্র হয়ে উঠেছে। ষড়যন্ত্রের সঙ্গে ওতপ্রোতভাবে জড়িত বলে ঘোষণা করে সেগুলোতে ‘অনুসন্ধান’ করার আদেশ দেয়া হয়। অনেক অধ্যাপক পালিয়ে গেছেন; গুলিতে মারা গেছেন কেউ কেউ। তাদের স্থানে পশ্চিম পাকিস্তান থেকে নতুন নিযুক্তির সিদ্ধান্ত নেয়া হয়েছে। বাঙালি কর্মকর্তাদের স্থানান্তরিত করা হয়েছে প্রশাসনিক ও পররাষ্ট্রীয় সংবেদনশীল পদ থেকে। সবকিছু এই সময়ে চরম সীমায় এসে ঠেকেছে। তবে প্রশাসন যেমন চায়, এই উপনিবেশীকরণ প্রক্রিয়া স্পষ্টত তার অর্ধেকও কাজে দেয়নি। কুমিল্লার সামরিক আইন প্রশাসক মেজর আগা আমাকে এর বহু প্রমাণ আমাকে দেখিয়েছেন। বিপ্লবীদের দ্বারা বিধ্বস্ত ব্রিজ ও রাস্তা মেরামতে তিনি স্থানীয় বাঙালি নির্বাহী প্রকৌশলীদের কাছ থেকে বাধাগ্রস্ত হচ্ছিলেন। কাজগুলো লাল ফিতায় বন্দি হয়ে আছে এবং ব্রিজগুলো তেমনই পড়ে আছে। “আপনি আশা করতে পারেন না যে ওরা কাজ করবে।” তিনি আমাকে বলেন, “কারণ ওদেরই আমরা হত্যা করেছি, ধ্বংস করেছি ওদেরই দেশ। তাদের দিক থেকে চিন্তা করলে তাই দাঁড়ায়, এবং আমরা এর দাম দিচ্ছি।”

বেলুচ রেজিমেন্টের ক্যাপ্টেন দুররানি ছিলেন কুমিল্লা-বিমানবন্দরে পাহারারত কোম্পানির দায়িত্বে। এসব সমস্যা মোকাবেলায় তার ছিল নিজস্ব কায়দা। কন্ট্রোল টাওয়ারে কর্মরত বাঙালিদের প্রসঙ্গে তিনি বলেন, “ওদের বলে দিয়েছি সন্দেহজনক কিছূ করছে এরকম মনে হলেও তাদের গুলি করে মারা হবে।” দুররানি তার কথা ও কাজে এক। কিছুদিন আগে রাতে বিমান-বন্দরের আশে-পাশে ঘোরাফেরা করছিল এমন এক বাঙালিকে তিনি গুলি করে মেরে ফেলেছেন। “সে একজন বিপ্লবী হতে পারতো” আমাকে তিনি বললেন। দুররানির আরকটি বিষয়ে খ্যাতি অর্জন করেছিলেন। বিমানবন্দরের আশেপাশের গ্রামে অভিযান চালানোর সময় তিনি নিজেই ‘৬০ জনেরও বেশি মানুষকে’ খতম করেছিলেন।

পূর্ব বাংলার উপনিবেশীকরণের রূঢ় বাস্তবতাকে নির্লজ্জ ছদ্ম-পোশাক দিয়ে ঢেকে ফেলা হয়েছে। ইয়াহিয়া খান ও লেফটেন্যান্ট জেনারেল টিক্কা খান কয়েক সপ্তাহ ধরে পূর্ব পাকিস্তানে তাদের কার্যকলাপের জন্য রাজনৈতিক সমর্থন আদায়ের চেষ্টা চালিয়ে যাচ্ছেন। ফলাফল অবশ্য আদৌ সন্তোষজনক নয়। সমর্থন পাওয়া যাচ্ছে ঢাকার বাঙালি আইনজ্ঞ মৌলভী ফরিদ আহমেদ এবং জামাতে ইসলামের গোলাম আজম ও ফজলুল কাদের চৌধুরীর মতো লোকদের যাদের প্রত্যেকে গত সাধারণ নির্বাচনে প্রচণ্ড মার খেয়েছিলেন। একমাত্র উল্লেখযোগ্য ব্যক্তি নূরুল আমিনের সমর্থনই ধর্তব্য। গত নির্বাচনে আওয়ামী লীগের বাইরে থেকে নির্বাচিত দু’জনের মধ্যে তিনি একজন। এছাড়াও বয়ষ্ক এই মুসলিম লীগার পূর্ব বাংলার প্রাক্তন প্রধানমন্ত্রী। তার বয়স এখন সত্তর। কিন্তু নূরুল আমিনও সতর্কভাবে তার মতামত দিচ্ছেন। তিনি আজ পর্যন্ত শুধু দুটো বিবৃতি দিয়েছেন যার বিষয়বস্তু হল ‘ভারতের হস্তক্ষেপ’।

এসব ‘দালাল’ বাঙালিদের রোষানলে পড়েছেন। ফরিদ আহমেদ ও ফজলুল কাদের চৌধুরী এসব থেকে সতর্ক হয়ে চলেছেন। ফরিদ আহমেদ তার বাড়ির দরজা-জানালা সবসময় বন্ধ করে রাখেন। দরজার ফাঁক দিয়ে যাদের সনাক্ত করতে পারেন, তারাই কেবল ভেতরে ঢোকার অনুমতি পাচ্ছেন।

একটি বিশেষ অকার্যকর পদ্ধতির মাধ্যমে সরকার জাতীয় ও প্রাদেশিক সংসদের জন্য নির্বাচিত ৩১ জন আওয়ামী লীগ নেতার ক্ষুব্ধ মৌনতা আদায় করেছে। পরিবার ছাড়া আর সকলের কাছ থেকে বিচ্ছিন্ন করে তাদের আটকে রাখা হয়েছে আসন্ন ‘প্রতিনিধিত্বশীল সরকারের’ অভিষেকের জন্য। যদিও তারা এখন নিজেদের ছাড়া আর কারও প্রতিনিধিত্ব করছেন না।

বেঁচে যাওয়া ভাগ্যবান দর্জি আব্দুল বারীর বয়স ২৪ বছর। পাকিস্তানের বয়সও আব্দুল বারীর সমান। বলপ্রয়োগ করে সামরিক বাহিনী দেশটিকে একত্রিত রাখতে পারবে। কিন্তু পূর্ব পাকিস্তানে যা করা হয়েছে তার অর্থ দাঁড়ায় একটাই; তা হল, ১৯৪৭ সালে দু’টি সমান অংশের মুসলিম জাতির সমন্বয়ে একটি দেশ গড়ে তোলার স্বপ্ন মানুষের ছিল, সেটা এখন মৃত। পশ্চিম পাকিস্তানের পাঞ্জাবিরা আর পূর্ব বাংলার বাঙালিরা একই জাতির অভিন্ন জাতি হিসেবে নিজেদের ভাবার সম্ভাবনা এখন সুদূরপরাহত। বাঙালিদের এখন একটাই ঝাপসা ভবিষ্যৎ আছে: উপনিবেশের অসুখী অবদমন থেকে বিজয়ী হিসেবে নিজেদের উত্তরণ।

December 1971

December 1: Telegram from Amconsul Calcutta to Secretary State

“Qaiyum said MEA policy planning chairman DP Dhar in his latest visit to Calcutta had questioned BD “Foreign Minister” Mushtaq Ahmed about allegations that Mushtaq was negotiating with USG, saying that in so doing, Mushtaq was “traitor.” According Qaiyum, Mushtaq denied everything, but Dhar said he knew all about “negotiations” because State Department had told everything to In­dian Embassy in Washington.

He told Indians BDG had not sold its soul to India and that as independent government, it could talk with any other government it wished.”

Memorandum from Kissinger to President Nixon on summary of the exchange between Prime Minister Gandhi and Ambassador Keating in New Delhi on November 29:

– Yahya’s problems had been self-created and “we are not in a position to make this easier for him.” That was one of the reasons why India could not withdraw its troops. India was being asked to allow the misdeeds of Yahya to stand and “we are not going to allow that.”

– No one in all of India was more opposed to war than she was. “I wouldn’t like to take this country to war”, but, added, “this war and this situation are/4/ not of our making.”

December 2: Memorandum from Kissinger to President Nixon:

“India-Pakistan Situation: there are indications that the situation is starting to deteriorate in the interior where the guerrilla forces are operating more freely now that most of the Pak forces have been drawn off to defend the frontiers. Some towns as close as 17 miles from Dacca reportedly have been abandoned to the guerrillas and there are reports of the Bangla Desh flag flying in a number of towns elsewhere in the interior. The Indians have also set up a “Mukti Bahini navy” with their own forces with the priority objective of blocking shipping into East Pakistan.

The disparity in manpower and supplies apparently is taking its toll on the Pak forces and they reportedly have abandoned a number of contested locations in the face of relentless pressure in the direction of several major provincial cities.”

Yahya’s letter to Nixon pleads for US support to resist aggression launched by India which has enormous superiority of arms and equipment over Pakistan.

December 3: The 3rd India Pakistan war broke out.

Pakistan intensifies air raids on India – BBC report (including video)

In a speech to the nation on December 3, 1971, Prime Minister Gandhi charged that Pakistan had launched a full-scale attack against India earlier in the day, shortly after 5:30 p.m. She said that Pakistan’s Air Force had struck at six Indian airfields in Kashmir and the Punjab and that Pakistani artillery was shelling Indian positions at several locations along the border between India and West Pakistan. India, Gandhi said, had no option but to adopt a war footing.

Pakistan responded to the Indian charges in a note conveyed to the United States Embassy in Islamabad on December 3. Pakistan alleged that the Indian Air Force had been carrying out aggressive reconnaissance over the territory of West Pakistan for 3 or 4 days as a prelude to attacks launched by the Indian army between 3:30 and 4 p.m. on December 3 at several points on a front that stretched from Kashmir in the north to Rahim Yar Kham in the south. Pakistan represented the attacks on Indian airfields as necessary countermeasures.

In Washington the question of responsibility for the initiation of warfare along the front between India and West Pakistan bore on policy considerations. The Central Intelligence Agency weighed the evidence on December 4 and concluded that it was not possible to determine with certainty which side had initiated hostilities on December 3. (Source)

Telephone Conversation between President Nixon and Kissinger:

It appears that West Pakistan has attacked because situation in East collapsing.

Details on the India-Pakistan war in 1971 from Indian-Subcontinent Database

December 4: Letter from Government of Bangla Desh to Indian Prime Minister.

Telegram from American Embassy New Delhi to Secretary State:

The (Indian) Foreign Secretary Kaul said that Pakistan had issued a proclama­tion that they were in a state of war against India at 0900 December 4. The government of India had not declared war. Furthermore, he said, the GOI had not yet recognized Bangla Desh, but would do so at the appropriate time and would keep us informed.

Washington Special Actions Group Meeting:

Helms briefed from notes that described a combined Indian-Mukti Bahini offensive in East Pakistan and the beginning stages of the fighting along the border between India and West Pakistan. Pakistani troops were being hard pressed in the east, but there was little beyond artillery exchanges in the west.

The CIA prepared a chronology and covering memorandum entitled, “India- Pakistan: Responsibility for Initiating Hostilities on 3 December 1971″ and the chronology runs through December 4. The covering memorandum concluded that it was difficult to determine conclusively which country initiated hostilities, but the weight of evidence tended to support Indian claims that Pakistan struck first in the west with air strikes.

December 5: Letter from Indian Prime Minister Gandhi to President Nixon:

On the afternoon of 3rd December 1971, the Government of Pakistan led by President Yahya Khan ordered a massive attack on India across its western frontiers. This has been followed by a gazette extraordinary published by the Government of Pakistan on the forenoon of the 4th December 1971, declaring that it is a state of war against India.

hat this aggression is premeditated and planned is evident from the fact that President Yahya Khan had declared on November 25 that he would be “off to fighting in ten days’ time”.

I am writing to you at a moment of grave peril and danger to my country and my people. The success of the freedom movement in Bangla Desh has now become a war on India due to the adventurism of the Pakistan military machine. It has imposed upon my people and my Government the imperative responsibility of safeguarding our security and territorial integrity. We are left with no other option but to put our country on a war footing.

May I request Your Excellency to exercise your undoubted influence with the Government of Pakistan to stop their aggressive activities against India and to deal immediately with the genesis of the problem of East Bengal which has caused so much trial and tribulations to the people not only of Pakistan but of the entire sub-continent.”

Pakistan Request for Jordanian Military Assistance

December 6: British Reaction to USG Position on Indo-Pak Conflict: America had been too critical to India.

Brit­ish stance on South Asian crisis, is based on firm assumption that India will win and that Bangla Desh will be established as independent country.

Prime Minister Indira Gandhi’s Statement in Parliament recognizing Bangladesh:

“I am glad to inform the House that in the light of the existing situation and in response to the repeated requests of the Government of Bangla Desh, the Government of India have after the most careful consideration, decided to grant recognition to the GANA PRAJATANTRI BANGLA DESH.

Our thoughts at this moment are with the father of this new State-Sheikh Mujibur Rahman.

The Bangla Desh Government have reiterated their anxiety to organise the expeditious return of their citizens who have found temporary refuge in our country, and to restore their lands and belongings to them. We shall naturally help in every way in these arrangements.”

Bangladesh Foreign Minister’s letter on recognition.

Memorandum from Kissinger to President Nixon:

-In East Pakistan the Indian forces are making gradual progress on several fronts. They are pressing the outnumbered Pak forces on several strategic fronts and the Indian gains so far may be laying the basis for more dramatic successes in the near future. The Indian objective is to force a Pak surrender in East Pakistan within the next week, if at all possible.

-Ground action on the Indian-West Pakistan front has been increasing, but it is not yet as widespread as in the East and neither side appears to be making clear-cut major gains. The Indian strategy is to maintain an essentially defensive posture in the West until the battle is won in the East, but there are indications that the Paks may be preparing a major offensive thrust in Kashmir that would undoubtedly force an Indian counter.

Secretary of Defense Laird’s Armed Forces Policy Council Meeting:

“The Indian government is trying for a rapid and successful conclusion of the fighting in East Pakistan. Indian Premier Gandhi, on 3 December, stated that Indian objective was to complete action within 10 days and redeploy Indian troops to the borders with West Pakistan.

The West Pakistan objective is to overwhelm Indian forces in Kashmir. They feel Kashmir might be sufficient compensation for the loss of East Pakistan to India.”

National Security Council Meeting:

“Director Helms (CIA) completed his briefing by noting that India’s recognition of Bangladesh provided a justification for intervention in East Pakistan. Helms felt that 10 days was a conservative estimate of how long it would be before the Pakistani forces in East Pakistan would be forced to surrender.”

Message from the Union of Soviet Socialist Republics to the United States

“In accordance with the above the Soviet representative in the Security Council has been instructed to seek such a solution that would closely combine two questions: a proposal for an immediate cease-fire between Pakistan and India and a demand that the Government of Pakistan immediately recognize the will of the East Pakistani population as expressed in the December 1970 elections. The Soviet leaders express the hope that the President will give instructions to the U.S. representative in the Security Council to act in the same direction.”

Meeting between Indian Foreign Minister Swaran Singh and Keating of USEmbassy:

“We are quite clear on what we are doing. India was making no territorial claims of any type.

The Indian army was being welcomed as lib­erators. Indian recognition of Bangla Desh also was an effort to curb local extremist elements.

In response to my question whether the Bangla Desh government would be led by the same people as were now in Mujibnagar, the Foreign Minister said that he didn’t know, but it was for them to de­cide. The GOI did not need to replace the existing administrative set­up. It didn’t want to interfere.”

December 7: Jessore, Sylhet and Moulovi Bazar are liberated by the Indian troops with the help of Muktibahini.

Message from Yahya to Nixon:

If India should succeed in its objective, the loss of East Pakistan with a population of 70 million people dominated by Russia will also be a threat to the security of South Asia. It will bring under Soviet domination the region of Assam, Burma, Thailand and Malaysia.

On December 7th the General Assembly by a vote of 104 to 11 with 10 abstentions called on India and Pakistan to institute an immediate cease-fire and to withdraw troops from each other’s territory. Pakistan has accepted the resolution. India has refused.

December 8: General Manekshaw, chief of Army staff calls on Pakistani army in Bangladesh to surrender immediately to Indian army in view of the hopeless position they are situated.

Indian troops acting in concert with Mukti Bahini liberated Comilla and Bramhonbaria.

UN General Assembly votes a resolution calling upon India and Pakistan to cease fire immediately.

President Nixon and Henry Kissinger’s telephone discussion on the crisis on the Indian subcontinent:

“Kissinger pointed to the threat to West Pakistan: “At this stage, we have to prevent an Indian attack on West Pakistan.” Nixon agreed. Kissinger continued: “We have to maintain the position of withdrawal from all of Pakistan.” He concluded that if the United States held firm in its approach to India and the Soviet Union, the administration would achieve its overall goals, even if it failed to prevent India from dismembering Pakistan: “If they maintain their respect for us even if you lose, we still will come out all right.” For Kissinger, it was a question of preserving credibility and honor. By introducing United States military power into the equation, in the form of a carrier and other units from the Seventh Fleet, the United States was seeking to prevent “a Soviet stooge, supported by Soviet arms” from overrunning an ally.”

Telegram from Secy of State to UNMission NATO:

Yahya proceeding with his blueprint for transfer of power. Has sent Bhutto on short visit to UNGA. Yahya said that the emergency had brought about a greater unanimity of opinion among Pakistani politicians than had heretofore been in evidence, and that he was hopeful.

He said the GOP armed forces in East Pakistan would fight qte to the last Muslim, for not only their country but their faith is in jeopardy.

December 9: Indian troops acting in concert with Mukti Bahini liberated Chandpur and Daudkandi.

Memo from Kissinger to Nixon:

“Indian forces in East Pakistan are now making steady progress on several fronts and are at one point 22 miles from Dacca. At the UN, yesterday’s activity was highlighted by a strong appeal from U Thant for a Dacca area cease-fire to permit the evacuation of international community personnel there. Thant asked both the Indians and Paks to agree to a 24-hour stand-down to permit repair of runways for evacuation of foreigners.

Both India and Pakistan are preparing for another round of debate at the UN. Indian Foreign Minister Singh is on his way to New York as is Bhutto, the new Pakistani Deputy Prime Minister and Foreign Minister.”

Bhutto’s views on eve of departure for New York:

People’s Party leader Z.A. Bhutto­Newly designated by Yahya as vice Primin-said he will do utmost to bring about ceasefire and withdrawal of forces. He is also ready to do what he can to achieve satisfactory political accommodation with East Pakistan. Including active negotiation with Mujib.

Discussion with Nixon and Kissinger:

Kissinger: Well, they will lose East Pakistan. There’s nothing to be done about that.
Nixon: We all know that.
Kissinger: The Brezhnev letter says the negotiations should start at the point at which they were interrupted on March 25, 1970. At that point, East Pakistan was part of Pakistan.
Kissinger: Now if we, if you and Brezhnev, could make a joint declaration. The way I see this thing evolving.
Kissinger: So then we’ve got the Indians at a disadvantage. And we’ll have separated the Soviets from the Indians to some extent.

Alleged US military assistance to Pakistan was not true.

Memo from CIA – implications of Indian victory over Pakistan:

An intelligence report says that Prime Minister Indira Gandhi has indicated that India’s war objectives are:

A. Liberation of Bangla Desh
B. The incorporation into India of the southern area of Azad (Pakistani-held) Kashmir
C. The destruction of Pakistani armored and air force strength so that Pakistan can never again threaten India.

Memo from Kissinger to Nixon:

“Bhutto has earlier received instructions to work for simple cease-fire resolution with the provision that the Security Council would later take up other aspects.

Latest reports from Dacca indicate that the Indians are preparing for a final all-out assault on the city that could begin in a few hours (down Dacca time) unless last minute efforts to obtain a cease-fire are successful. Yahya has confirmed, via his Foreign Secretary to Ambassador Farland, that General Niazi’s cease-fire formula from East Pakistan can be transmitted to the Indians.

Our carrier task force is transiting the Straits of Malacca and will ar­rive at a point near the center of the base of the Bay of Bengal tomor­row evening. Rumors about this move are already widespread in the area where they are being combined with stories that the US is con­sidering military assistance to Pakistan.

The British are also moving some naval vessels into the area — a commando carrier and a frigate off the southern coast of Ceylon. So­viet task force, consisting of a guided missile cruiser, an oiler and diesel powered submarine continues to steam through the South China Sea toward the Indian Ocean where if it continues on that course it should arrive in about three days. The Soviets have 12 other naval ships in the Indian Ocean but none of these is in or known to be heading for areas near the Indo-Pakistani conflict.”

Indian ambassador Jha meets undersecretary Sisco:

“Jha noted that India had recognized Bangla Desh, but there was no intention of annexation in the East or what he termed a protectorate relationship with Bangla Desh. With respect to Azad Kashmir, he could not give any answer totally free of uncertainty. Jha then asked what are the Pak aims? Under Secretary pointed out that Pak aims were made very clear today in note to Secretary General accepting General Assembly resolution calling for ceasefire and withdrawal.”

December 10: Laksham is liberated. The Pak commanding officer surrenders with his officers and 416 men.

Memo from Kissinger to Nixon:

The war in the East has reached its final stages. The Indian forces are encircling Dacca and preparing for the final assault if the Pak forces in the capital area refuse to surrender. Pak resistance elsewhere in the province appears on the verge of total collapse, although they continue to hold some isolated areas. Faced with this desperate situation, the top Pak military official in Dacca has called on the UN to arrange (a) peaceful transfer of power to the “elected representatives of East Pakistan,” (b) an immediate cease-fire, (c) repatriation of the Pak forces to West Pakistan, (d) repatriation of all other West Pak personnel who desire to leave, (e) the safety of the others settled in East Pakistan since 1947 and (f) a guarantee of no reprisals.

In the West, the Indians seem to be successfully repulsing Pak attacks in Kashmir, but show no signs yet of initiating a major offensive of their own. Repeated Indian air strikes and shellings from naval forces on Karachi have dealt a major blow to Pakistan’s POL supply.

The Indians have announced a bombing pause over both Dacca and Karachi for evacuation purposes. Evacuation planes will be given safe conduct into Karachi for four-hour periods today and tomorrow and the Dacca airport is to be free from attacks for 24 hours so that it can be repaired. Foreign evacuation planes bound for Dacca will then be given safe conduct for 10 hours on Saturday on the condition that they land at Calcutta before and after going to Dacca. UN personnel reportedly will remain behind in Dacca for possible assistance in arranging a cease-fire or surrender.”

Discussion with Kissinger and Nixon:

I’m going to hand him a very tough note to Brezhnev and say this is it now, let’s settle the, let’s get a cease-fire now. That’s the best that can be done now. They’ll lose half of their country, but at least they preserve the other half.” Nixon agreed that “our desire is to save West Pakistan.”

Nixon asked for an assurance that the necessary steps were being taken to “keep those carriers [sic] moving.” Kissinger assured him that “everything is moving.” In addition to the carrier group, Kissinger reported that “four Jordanian planes have already moved to Pakistan, twenty-two more are coming. We’re talking to the Saudis, the Turks we’ve now found are willing to give five.”

Ambassador to Pakistan (Farland) to Kissinger:

Yahya proposes (a) India and Pakistan should agree to an immediate ceasefire with the separate armed forces “standing fast”; and that the United Nations or other international organization provide observers to see that the ceasefire is effective; (b) that India and Pakistan “at any effective level” immediately open negotiations aimed at a settlement of the war and troop withdrawal; and coincident therewith simultaneously enter into negotiations looking towards the political satisfaction of Bengali aspirations, i.e., a political settlement.

December 11: Indian troops acting in concert with Mukti Bahini liberated Hilli, Mymenshingh, Kushtia and Noakhali.

Maj. Gen Rao Forman Ali request U-Thant, UN secretary general for help in repatriating troops and West Pakistani civilians.

Kissinger to Nixon:

Sixteen Soviet naval units are now in the Indian Ocean area, including three space support ships. Communications intelligence indicates that most of the ships are near Ceylon and Socotra, although one space-related unit may be monitoring British naval units in the Arabian Sea. However, of the sixteen ships less than half are combatants.

Telephone Conversation between the President’s Assistant for National Security Affairs (Kissinger) and Deputy Prime Minister Bhutto:

Kissinger: Now after our original resolution is defeated, however, Mr. Minister, then I think you have to decide whether you want to go to a simple ceasefire resolution, because it isn’t that we don’t want to help you, it is that we want to preserve you. It is all very well to stand for principles, but finally we have to assure your survival. And that is the Chinese problem.


The Indo-Pakistan Conflict — East and West

December 12: Indian Para-troopers arive in East Pakistan to mount an assault on Dhaka.

White house Update:

“Haig learned that the Chinese initiative did not mean that China had decided upon military action in support of Pakistan. Instead, Huang Hua indicated that China was prepared to support the United Nations procedure Kissinger had outlined in the December 10 meeting, which was to ask for a cease-fire and mutual troop withdrawal but to settle for a standstill cease-fire.”

Ambassador Bush introduced a resolution which, in its operative paragraphs, called for an immediate cease-fire, the withdrawal by India and Pakistan of their armed forces from each other’s territory, and the creation of conditions necessary to safeguard the lives of civilians and to facilitate the safe return of the refugees to their homes. (UN doc. S/10446 and Rev. 1) The Security Council voted 11-2 in favor of the resolution, with 2 abstentions. The resolution was not adopted because of the negative vote of the Soviet Union. (Source)

Bush meeting with Indian Foreign Minister Singh:

On UN action: UN cannot take useful action at this time. Further debate will only harden positions and create additional frictions. UN tied to precedent and formalistic rites and cannot deal with such complex issues. If UN has to meet in future, Bangla Desh reps must be present; it is a reality.

Indian Aims in East. Indian aims are simple: Surrender of Pak forces with repatriation to follow; recognition of Bangla Desh. GOI very much aware need protect Biharis. Will establish safe areas under Indian control and assist in repatriation to West Pakistan if they desire. India had not attacked on ground in West.

US was still attempting to see whether UN action “could be useful”.

Memorandum from the Executive Secretary of the Department of State (Eliot) to the President’s Assistant for National Security Affairs (Kissinger):

India Pakistan refugee problems:

There are four classes of refugees/ displaced persons who will probably require assistance on an international basis following the termination of hostilities.
1. Up to 10 million refugees from East Pakistan who are now in India.
2. Over 600,000 non-Bengali Muslims in East Pakistan who may want to move to West Pakistan, as well as West Pakistani government officials and military in the East.
3. Some 50-100,000 Bengalis living in West Pakistan, most of whom will almost certainly wish to return to East Pakistan.
4. An undetermined number of persons who are being displaced by the fighting within East Pakistan.

December 13: General Manekshaw asks Rao Forman Ali to stand down to prevent shedding of innocent bloods. Dhaka is surrpounded by Indian troops.

Message from the Soviet Leadership to President Nixon:

We have attentively examined your message over the direct communications link. In accordance with the confidential exchange of opinions existing between us, we are advising you that at the present time, we are conducting a clarification of all the circumstances in India.

We will inform you of the results of the clarification without delay.

December 14: Top intellectuals of the country were were taken from homes by Razakars, Al Badr and Al Shams and slaughtered in killing fields with the vain objective of cripling the nation.

Bogra is liberated.

The Indian casualty figures of the 10 day war is announced by Indian defence minister in parliament:

Killed – 1978, Wounded 5025, Missing 1662.

Pakistani causalty figures are much higher, he claims.

Highest officers of the Pakistani administration in Bangladesh resigns fgrom their posts and seeks refuge to Red Crescent.

Message from the Soviet Leadership to President Nixon:

“It would be good if the American side on its part stressed to the Pakistani Government the necessity of embarking on the path towards political settlement in East Pakistan on the basis which is now rather clear.”

The Soviet Union vetoes for the 3rd time to block US resolution for an immediate Indo-Pakistani ceasefire.

Letter from Pakistani President Yahya to President Nixon:

“The Russian proposal about the cease-fire, withdrawal and negotiations has by now clearly been demonstrated to have been only a hoax….The passage of time is clearly playing into the hands of the Russians. We are convinced that, after acquiring East Pakistan, they would let the Indians turn their might single-mindedly against West Pakistan for which they have already begun to equip the Indians.

Time has come for the United States to go beyond warnings and démarches if its determination to punish aggression across international borders is to have any effect on the Soviet Union and India. The Seventh Fleet does not only have to come to our shores but also to relieve certain pressures which we by ourselves are not in a position to cope with.”

Discussion with Pres. Yahya and US ambassador re Ceasefire:

“President Yahya acknowledges that military situation in East Pakistan has hopelessly deteriorated. He provided me with Governor Malik’s Dec. 13 report of chaotic conditions. Because military situation now irretrievable and for over-riding humanitarian reasons, Yahya is giving Bhutto widest possible latitude at UN to effect ceasefire and troop withdrawal.”

Soviet first deputy foreign minister came to India on December 12 to discuss the political recognition of Bangladesh. Soviet Union continued to Veto any cease fire to give India time to liberate Bangladesh. However they were growing impatient by now. (CIA information)

December 15: Bhutto, on a diplomatic visit to the US since December 8, makes an agitated speech at the UN Security Council: (Full text and video of speech here)

Image credit: Doc Kazi

“So what if Dacca falls? So what if the whole of East Pakistan falls? So what if the whole of West Pakistan falls? We will build a new Pakistan. We will build a better Pakistan… We will fight for a thousand years.” Afterwards, he tears up his notes and walks out.

Discussion with Nixon and Kissinger:

“Brezhnev said in a letter: “The Soviet Union guarantees there will be no military action against West Pakistan.”

Telegram from the Consulate General in Dacca to the Department of State:

“I have been informed by Governor Malik and General Farman Ali that President Yahya Khan strongly desires to put a end to hostilities in EP. For this purpose he wishes to arrange with the Indian Govt an immediate cease-fire period of at least two hours in which discussions for this purpose can take place between the military commanders concerned. The President desires honorable conditions for Pakistani troops and protection of civilians.”

Memo from Kissinger to Nixon:

“Foreign Minister Bhutto declined to pass General Niazi’s ceasefire proposal to the Indians in New York, so our UN mission was instructed to communicate it to Foreign Minister Singh, and subsequently Ambassador Keating was instructed to pass its text to Mrs. Gandhi’s secretary, Haksar. In this as in the negotiations on the Security Council resolution, Bhutto is apparently being careful to sidestep onus for the surrender of East Pakistan. Meanwhile, latest Indian reports indicate that Dacca is receiving heavy artillery fire, and three Indian columns have advanced to within a few miles of Dacca where they are preparing for attack.

Our carrier task force is transiting the Straits of Malacca and should arrive at a point near the center of the base of the Bay of Bengal this (15 Dec) evening. Rumors about this move are already widespread in the area where they are being combined with stories that the US is considering military assistance to Pakistan.”

The Niazi Cease-Fire Proposal:

“In order to save future loss of innocent human lives which would inevitably result from further hostilities in the major cities like Dacca, I request you to arrange for an immediate cease-fire under the following conditions:

(A) Regrouping of Pakistan armed forces in designated areas to be mutually agreed upon between the commanders of the opposing forces;
(B) To guarantee the safety of all military and paramilitary forces;
(C) Safety of all those who had settled in East Pakistan since 1947;
(D) No reprisals against those who helped the administration since March 1971.

In those conditions, the Pakistan armed forces and paramilitary forces would immediately cease all military operations.

Indian response to Niazi ceasefire proposal from General Manekshaw to General Niazi:

“I had previously informed General Farman Ali in two messages that I would guarantee (a) the safety of all your military and paramilitary forces who surrender to me in Bangla Desh. (b) Complete protection to foreign nations, ethnic minorities and personnel of West Pakistan no matter who they may be. Since you have indicated your desire to stop fighting I expect you to issue orders to all forces under your command in Bangla Desh to cease fire immediately and surrender to my advancing forces wherever they are located.

Immediately I receive a positive response from you I shall direct General Aurorea the commander of Indian and Bangla Desh forces in the Eastern theatre to refrain from all air and ground action against your forces. As a token of my good faith I have ordered that no air action shall take place over Dacca from 1700 hours today.

I assure you I have no desire to inflict unnecessary casualties on your troops as I abhor loss of human lives.”

Letter from the Indian Ambassador (Jha) to President Nixon

“The tragic war, which is continuing, could have been averted if during the nine months prior to Pakistan’s attack on us on December 3, the great leaders of the world had paid some attention to the fact of revolt, tried to see the reality of the situation and searched for a genuine basis for reconciliation. Our earnest plea that Sheikh Mujibur Rahman should be released, or that, even if he were to be kept under detention, contact with him might be established, was not considered practical on the ground that the US could not urge policies which might lead to the overthrow of President Yahya Khan.

We are asked what we want. We seek nothing for ourselves. We do not want any territory of what was East Pakistan and now constitutes Bangla Desh. We do not want any territory of West Pakistan.”

December 16:

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The Pakistani commander Amir Abdullah Khan Niazi surrenders to Lt. Gen. Jagjit Singh Aurora, the Commander of the Joint Forces, at the same Dhaka Racecourse where Sheikh Mujib had made his historic call for independence only nine months and nine days earlier.

* The Instrument of Surrender

More than 90,000 Pakistani soldiers are taken prisoner of war by Indian forces. The president of Bangladesh is Sheikh Mujibur Rahman, who is still in prison somewhere in West Pakistan where he is denied all information about the outside world. He knows nothing of the bloodshed that has preceded the creation of his state.

* December 16, 1971: A few moments from a historic day(video)

People begin their search for the remains of the missing ones at the numersous execution grounds and mass gravesites around the country.

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Indian Prime Minister Indira Gandhi speking at Lok Sabha hailed Dacca as “the free capital of a free country.” At the same time, the Indian Government announced a cease-fire on the front between India and West Pakistan to take effect the following day. In making the announcement a government spokesman stated that India had no territorial ambitions in the conflict.

December 17: When US ambassador Farland saw President Yahya on the morning of December 17 and urged him to accept the Indian cease-fire offer, Yahya took the position that he had previously indicated his willingness to accept a cease-fire in accepting the resolution adopted by the General Assembly on December 7. He did not see the necessity to reiterate that position and respond to what he referred to as Mrs. Gandhi’s dictates. Upon further urging from Farland, he agreed to consider responding to the Indian offer. At 3 p.m. local time on December 17, Foreign Secretary Sultan Khan brought Farland the news that Yahya was prepared to accept the Indian offer publicly. (Source)

Memo from Kissinger to Nixon:

Indian Foregn Minister Singh said that in the east India planned to install a civilian government of officials elected in 1970. He asked whether the U.S. could get Mujib released to head it

US Intelligence note on Bangladesh leadership:

December 18: Nixon meets Bhutto:

“The Deputy Prime Minister was critical of past policies in Pakistan which he claimed were the result of the will of a clique of military leaders who were no longer in touch with the people of Pakistan. All of this contributed in large measure to the calamity which befell his nation.”

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Decembr 17-20: Pakistanis in general and young military officers in particular made it clear that they wanted Yahya Khan and his regime to go.

At one point, General Abdul Hamid Khan, chief of staff of the Pakistan army (the army was then headed by a commander-in-chief, in this case Yahya), called a meeting of army officers in Rawalpindi cantonment and attempted to explain the causes behind the debacle in Bangladesh.

He was greeted with expletives, one more profane than the next, and eventually was forced to leave the room. Hamid, who had after the Dhaka surrender begun nurturing ambitions of taking over from Yahya, now knew that the end was near. Officers like General Gul Hasan, in contact with Zulfikar Ali Bhutto, were already planning to dominate the new circumstances.

December 20: Bhutto arrived back in Rawalpindi around noon and was immediately whisked away to the president’s house for a meeting with General Yahya Khan. He emerged a few hours later as Pakistan’s new president and, incongruously, chief martial law administrator. Late in the evening, President Bhutto addressed the nation, and in a rambling speech promised his people that he would build a new Pakistan for them. He extolled the bravery of Pakistan’s soldiers in the just concluded war and asked forgiveness of his “brothers and sisters” in “East Pakistan.”

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Yahya Khan hands over all power to Z A Bhutto

(Image credit: Doc Kazi from Flickr)

He showed absolutely no contrition over his role in the making of the crisis in Bangladesh but appeared keen to reassure Pakistanis that their future was safe in his hands. He placed Yahya Khan under house arrest and appointed new chiefs of staff for the army, air force and navy.

Memo from Kissinger to Nixon:

Meanwhile, there is still considerable public resentment about the way the war ended. In Karachi, for example, bands of demonstrators have been roving in and out of the major business and residential areas setting fires and causing disruptions. Many educated Pakistanis are still openly attacking Yahya and saying that the people will never allow the return of a military government under any circumstances. At the same time, even those who oppose and distrust Bhutto seem inclined to give him a chance.

The situation is still fluid in the East. The Indian Army seems to be gradually restoring a minimum of law and order in Dacca and reorganizing the administrative apparatus. The “Bangla Desh” cabinet, however, has still not arrived from Calcutta, although there are reports that it may proceed to Dacca by mid-week. The Bangla Desh “Prime Minister” is quoted by Dacca Radio as saying that there is a great need for foreign aid but that they will “not touch” any part of U.S. aid because of the “hateful and shameful” policy that the U.S. has followed toward the Bangla Desh “freedom struggle.

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December 22: Bangladesh’s provisional government arrived in Dhaka from exile. Bhutto decreed that detained Awami League leader Sheikh Mujibur Rahman be moved from solitary confinement in prison to house arrest.

At the UN, the Security Council was finally able to agree on a resolution last night by a vote of thirteen to nothing with the Soviet Union and Poland abstaining. The operative paragraph in effect formalizes the cease-fire and demands that it “remain in effect until withdrawals take place, as soon as practicable, of all armed forces to their respective territories and to the cease-fire line supervised by UNMOGIP.”

December 27: Memo from Kissinger to Nixon:

Bhutto is reported to have announced plans for a judicial inquiry into the causes for Pakistan’s defeat. It is not to submit its findings for three months and may be Bhutto’s effort to satisfy public opinion with a minimum move.

Bhutto arrived at the rest house where Mujib had been moved. Surprised Mujib
asked Bhutto: “Bhutto, how are you here?” Bhutto’s response did not fit the question: “I am president of Pakistan.” An even more surprised Mujib teased him: “But you know that position belongs to me.” He was evidently referring to the Awami League’s victory at the general
elections of a year earlier. This time Bhutto told him: “I am also chief martial law administrator.”

In the next hour or so, Bhutto gave Mujib to understand that the Indian army had occupied “East Pakistan” and that the two men needed to be together in the coming struggle to drive the Indians off. Mujib, ever the astute politician, knew better.

(Source: Distant Neighbours: A Tale of the Subcontinent – Kuldip Nayar)

November 1971

November 1: Peking Policy in Indo-Pak Dispute

“China’s major operational goal at the present is to avoid an Indo-Pak war and to discourage the forcible detachment of East Pakistan from the west – the latter not because the Chinese have any vital interests in the unity of Pakistan but be­cause they wish to avoid a Pak humiliation which would indirectly embarrass China, boost India’s confidence in its future dealings with the PRC, and make the Soviets appear to be the arbiter of events in South Asia.”

November 2: Telegram from the Embassy in Pakistan to the Department of State:

Yahya agreed to unilaterally withdrawing military units as first step in defusing explosive situation in subcontinent.

November 3: On a possible Yahya-Nurul Islam Meeting:

“Yahya agreed during the conversation to meet with Nurul Islam and his group of former Awami Leaguers to discuss Sheikh Mujibur Rahman’s future and to explore means of effecting contacts with representatives of Bangladesh. Yahya said that he would welcome an opportunity to talk to Nurul Islam since the point of view of these “cleared” MNAs would be very interesting and, hopefully, useful. He also observed that Nurul Amin, President of Pakistan Democratic Party, would be calling upon him shortly with suggestions applicable to East Pakistan.”

Memorandum from Kissinger to President Nixon:

“President Yahya Khan would be willing to withdraw Pakistani forces first from the border to varying distances, depending upon the terrain of different sectors, provided the Indian Prime Minister, Mrs. Indira Gandhi, gives an undertaking to President Nixon that the Indian forces will then also withdraw shortly afterwards.”

November 4: Telegram from Deputy Secretary of Defense to Hnorable U. Alexis Johnson:

“Our research to date shows that the U.S. Army shipped 149 line items from its depots (to Pakistan) between 3 May 1971 and 30 June. The shipments repre­sented spare parts for machine guns, tanks and artillery with a total value of $83,000. During the same time frame, the Air Force continued routinely to re­lease spare parts for aircraft in two of its 89 then active sales cases for Pakistan. The two affected cases comprised the so-called depot supply support plan (DSSP) under which the purchaser was afforded direct automated access to the USAF logistical system. Under the DSSP some $2.4 million worth of lethal as well as non-lethal spares were shipped during the May-June period. This included parts for F-86 and F-104 fighters and B-57 bombers as well as Pakistani transport and trainer aircraft. Our analysis of inputs from the Navy is still incomplete, but we estimate that shipments amounting to about $61,000 in value have been made contrary to our directives. Releases of lethal spares constituted some $36,000 out of this total.”

* (Chronology of Miltary supply to Paksitan)”

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Meeting Between President Nixon, Prime Minister Indira Gandhi, Mr. Parmeshwar Narain Haksar and Dr. Henry A. Kissinger:

The President asked the Prime Minister if she believed that President Yahya could really survive if Mujib were released at this point in time. The Prime Minister said that the crucial issue remained the future of Mujib who was a symbol of the imperative for autonomy.

November 5: A. I. D. Deputy Administrator’s Report on situation of East Pakistan:

The Pakistan Army in East Pakistan has achieved nearly autonomous control of the province, in many respects independent of the policies and direction of President Yahya Khan in Islamabad. Only foreign affairs affecting East Pakistan is firmly in the hands of Islamabad. The relative isolation of President Yahya Khan is probably the result of many factors. Indications of this isolation are that: (a) Army commanders in the East pursue independent military operations, (b) the Army governs the province behind the facade of the puppet civilian Governor Malik and his cabinet — who are completely dependent on the Army for their personal security — with limited reference to Islamabad,
(c) little but Pakistani successes and India’s perfidy is reported from Dacca to Islamabad, and (d) President Yahya Khan lacks independent means of observation, reporting and verification of events in the East.

Myth and Reality on Civilian Support in East Pakistan. President Yahya Khan told us October 28 that “civilianization” of government in East Pakistan, under Governor Malik and his Cabinet, is succeeding in stabilizing the political situation. The myth of growing political stability in East Pakistan is almost certainly fed to Yahya Khan by reports from his civilian Governor and his Army commanders.

The reality is that Army policies and operations — behind the facade of a civilian government — are progressively and seriously alienating the Bengali population in East. Pakistan, and that the seeds of rebellion are not only those sown by India. The wide gap between the myth of growing stability as seen by Yahya Khan, and the reality of political deterioration was most striking from comparing my recent visit to East Pakistan, October 21 – 26, to observations made during the earlier August 19 – 25 trip.

Civil Affairs Run by the Military Advisor to the Governor Major General Rao Farman Ali Khan. The are even selecting the men who would be elected in the next Provincial elections.

Army Policy is Selective Terror and Reprisal. General Farman Ali Khan described the level of Mukti guerrilla insurgency as some-what intensified but manageable because the newly trained Bengali guerrillas entering from India feared to take action.

Despite orders from Islamabad that the Army not engage in terrorist operations against the civilian population — and repeated assurances to U. S. officials to this effect — Pakistan Army commanders continue to carry out terror raids against the population and villages, even within the environs of Dacca and in sight of its large foreign community.

General Farman All Khan said the Army sought to leave the fighting of the Mukti guerrillas to the newly armed Bengali “Rasikars”, who now numbered 60,000. However, the “Rasikars” are a destabilizing element — living off the land, able to make life and death decisions by denouncing collaborators and openly pillaging and terrorizing villagers without apparent restraint from the Army. With villagers caught between the Rasikars and Mukti guerrillas, law and order is breaking down rapidly in rural East Pakistan.

Army Policy to Clear East Pakistan of Hindus. The Pakistan Army is ideologically anti-Hindu and their historic experience in West Pakistan, from the time of partition, has been that Hindus should go to India. Hence, reprisal operations naturally continue to focus against Hindus. Without law or order, except that sanctioned by the Army, Hindu lives and property are not safe in East Pakistan today. General Farman All Khan accepted the estimate that at least 80 percent of the Hindus had left East Pakistan. He, off-the-record, spoke of about six million refugees who had gone to India and he anticipated that a further 1, 500, 000 refugees would probably go to India “before the situation settles down.” (1,500,000 is a reasonable estimate of the number of Hindus still in East Pakistan.)”

Memorandum of conversation among Nixon, Kissinger and others:

Nixon: This is just the point when she is a bitch.
Kissinger: Well, the Indians are bastards anyway. They are starting a war there. It’s—to them East Pakistan is no longer the issue. Now, I found it very interesting how she carried on to you yesterday about West Pakistan.

November 8: Secretary’s Meeting with Prime Minister Gandhi; East Pakistan Problem: PriMin and other members Indian delegation stated doubts that Yahya actually desires political solution.

November 10: Journalist visits Mukti Bahini-held areas:

Mannan was at pains to make clear that Mukti Bahini (MB) not Marxists and that Bangladesh would not be a communist country, saying that Naxalites would bet their fair share of power but that their share would not be large as they were tiny minority. Mannan stated that MB’s war aim was simply to have Awami League’s victory honored.

De Borchgrave (The Daily Telegraph) dined with General Niazi. Niazi appeared to be misinformed about conditions in the province, showing no understanding of true situation. De Borchgrave was obviously impressed by extent of insurgency and stated belief that Bangladesh victory only a ques­tion of time.”

Assistant Secretary Sisco discusses with Fonsec Kaul on East Pakistan Problem:

“East Pak problem was not of India’s making. There had been discrimination against East Pak. Use of force after March 25 respon­sible for refugee problem. US also sympathizes fully in regard to refugee burden. US view was that solution to East Pak problem could not be obtained by pursuing one course of action in isolation. We should not consider exclusively refugee relief, withdrawal of forces, third party involvement, or political accommodation. All these elements should be pursued together”

November 11: Telegram from Amconsul Dacca to Secretary State

“Given rate at which MB activity increasing inside province and appar­ently Growing organization and self-confidence of these forces, it begins to look as if India might achieve such possible major objectives as pres­sure on Islamabad govt, weakening of Pakistan, or even independent Bangla Desh by simply continuing its present activities without esca­lating them into actual warfare.”

November 12: Minutes of Washington Special Actions Group Meeting:

“Mukti Bahini guerrillas were increasingly effective in East Pakistan and Cushman estimated that up to 30 percent of rural East Pakistan was under guerrilla control. Tensions between India and Pakistan had increased as Indian border security forces and Indian army troops joined in the fighting along the border between Pakistan army forces and Mukti Bahini guerrillas. Cushman noted that on the border between India and West Pakistan both sides had made preparations in anticipation of war.

There are five or six (Pakistani army) casualties a day as opposed to three a day before October.”

Telegram from Amembassy Islamabad to Secretary State Page 1, Page 2:

“What was unthinkable six months ago in West Pakistan may have become acceptable today-regime could probably survive opening of negotiations with Shiekh Mujibur Rahman provided latter agreed to support unified Pakistan. Public opinion in West would now generally acquiesce in such development and some would welcome it. Reaction within army likely be more mixed, but with army discipline maintained. In East Pakistan, Mujib has become symbol of Bengali nationhood. However, to retain credibility with Bengalis Mujib in any negotiations probably could not settle for less than Awami League Six Points, certain of which are still anathema to Pak military and still carry with them seeds of eventual secession. Even if Six Points compromised, any negotiated settlement acceptable to Bengalis would probably require withdrawal of army at least to cantonments, again opening door to secession.”

Maury Williams’ Views on Pakistan: The Army’s policy is such that the running battle with guerrillas is likely to continue with little effect on the changing practices in a way that could restore genuine civilian government.

November 15: GOI May Be Prepared to Wait a Little Longer on War.

Conversation among Nixon, Kissinger and Sultan Khan: The Pak Foreign Secretary (Sultan Khan) noted that there had been considerable interest in how to launch a political process which in some way involved Mujibur Rahman within the limits which President Yahya felt constraining him.

November 16: Observers believe Mrs. Gandhi Trying Cool Political Temperature at Least Temporarily.

November 18: Statement by the Indian Delegate, Mr. Samar Sen, on UNHCR’s report In the third committee of the U.N. General Assembly:

“On October 26, the Special Consortium of the World Bank meeting in Paris announced that ” more than 9.5 million refugees have entered India by now and the influx is continuing “. The latest figure is 9,608,901 on November 5, the daily average influx in September was 27,000 and in October 17,000.

It is also note­worthy that Pakistan’s figure of 200,000 refugees having returned to their homes has remained unchanged over the last three months. And then the figure is nicely divided and rounded upto 140,000 muslims and 60,000 Hindus, at the same time as the High Commissioner has been informed that 640,001 passed through reception centres and 136,000 came back on their own. Here again is another instance of counting people who, no one knows, how they came; but then people, who first described all the refugees as “criminals”, who define all free voters as ” anti-state ” elements, who call all freedom-fighters as ” miscreants ” or now ” indian infiltrators “, cannot be expected to be too scrupulous about facts.”

Prince Sadruddin Agha Khan’s Statement in the third committee of the U. N. General Assembly echoes the same

Discussions on the report submitted by the U.N.H.C.R in the third committee of the U.N. General Assembly. The world leaders urged Pakistan to reduce use of force and try to solve East Pakistan problem through peaceful political means and thus creating an environment for the refugees to come back.

November 19: US Ambassador’s Conversation with President Yahya:

“Mujib was not the key to negotiations but rather Indira Gandhi held “both the key and the lock.” From this position Yahya expressed disinclination to permit Mujibur Rahman to designate a Bangla Desh representative who could speak on his behalf and negotiate for the Bangla Desh movement with the GOP. Said GOP would be happy to meet with Bangla Desh leaders as previously agreed (Only cleared Awami Leager).

He threatened: if India starts war, total resources of nation will be dedicated to effort of survival. Noted that Mujib will be first casualty.

To ease refugee problem, Yahya indicated he is contemplating asking UN to take over all facilities refugee centers in Pakistan and establish circumstances under which returning refugees would be accepted under care and protection of UN.

He sketched his scenario for a political settlement through promulgation of a constitution in mid-December, convening the National Assembly on December 27 and transfer of power “several weeks” thereafter. Then the new civilian government could, if it wished, deal with Mujib and Bangla Desh.”

Briefing for President Nixon:

“A frequent comment from Indian and foreign observers is that Mrs. Gandhi remains less hawkish than the country as a whole and that she apparently continues to work to avoid a major war.

Some official U.S. observers believe that the Indian and guerrilla pressures on the Pak forces could be gradually building up to a point at which the Paks could be goaded into counteractions which could precipitate a full-scale war.”

November 21: Resolution unanimously adopted by the third committee of the United Nations General Assembly:

“The only solution to this grave refugee problem is the safe return of the refugees to their homes, and that this requires a favourable climate which all persons of good will should work to bring about in a spirit of respect for the principles of the Charter of the United Nations.”

UN Role in East Pakistan Problem:

“We interpret Prime Minister Gandhi’s reply to UN Secretary Gen­eral as (A) polite, firm rejection of international mediation between India and Pakistan, (B) renewed appeal for international pressure on GOP to move toward political settlement”

The French Government set forth its policy of neutrality regarding the India-Pakistan situation and urged the necessity of a political solution permitting the return of the refugees to East Pakistan.

November 22: The BDG contact’s views:

“Qaiyum said if Sheikh not released soon, communists would wrest BD lead­ership from moderates, which not in interest of BD, GOP, GOI or USG. Release, even if Sheikh restricted to West Pakistan, would cool situation considerably and allow peaceful solution to be found, since only Mujib has power to provide Yahya with face-saving way out of crisis.

He suggested that it in best interest of Pakistan for Yahya to step down and hand over power to another military figure saying Yahya ‘has no right to destroy both parts of Pakistan.’ Qaiyum warned that time is running out for GOP leadership. Mukti Bahini increasingly successful, getting ‘all help’ from India, and BD leaders expect military victory in east within next two months”.

Reports of Heavy Fighting in East Pakistan as Mukti Bahini strikes and Pakistan interprets it as Indian offensive:

“Mukti Bahini forces have launched major offensive in Kushtia, Khulna and Jessore districts. According these reports Mukti Bahini have captured Chougacha in Jessore district and Maheshpur in same district. Debhata, border town in Khulna district, also said to have been taken with Mukti Bahini forces advancing to Satkhira, northeast of Debhata. In Kushtia district Mukti Bahini also reported as moving toward towns of Jibannagar and Damurhuda under cover their own artillery, having established “liberated areas” near border towns of Banpur and Gede.

Karachi domestic service report in Eng­lish at 1500 GMT, November 22: “India, without a formal declara­tion of war, has launched an all-out offensive against East Pakistan.” Broadcast adds that Indian army has concentrated all its might in Jes­sore area where attack has been launched by nine Indian infantry di­visions, four Indian mountain divisions and two Indian tank regi­ments.

GOI official spokesman reportedly cate­gorically denied Pakistan radio report that India had launched a big offensive in Jessore area. Spokesman referred to reports of increasing Mukti Bahini activities and said that Karachi radio report obviously mixing up Mukti Bahini activities with those of India.”

Minutes of Washington Special Actions Group Meeting:

Mr. Kissinger: (to Mr. Irwin) What do you think?

Mr. Irwin: We think the Pakistanis are probably overplaying the situation and the Indians are underplaying it. We think increased participation by Indian regulars is designed either to put enough pressure on Yahya to get a more favorable political situation, or to try to provoke a Pakistani attack on India and thereby put Pakistan further in the wrong in the eyes of the world. We believe the first reason is more likely than the second.

November 23: Letter from President Yahya to President Nixon:

“Mr. President, as you are aware, Indian armed forces in the last few months have maintained pressure all along our eastern bor­ders. Apart from training, equipping and launching rebels sup­ported by Indian border security force personnel into Pakistan territory, Indian artillery units have been constant(y shelling ar­eas in East Pakistan. But as I have pointed out above, in the last 3 or 4 days the Indian armed forces have turned from localized attacks to open and large scale warfare on so many fronts. They have further escalated the conflict by introducing armor and air force. Pakistan army and air force units in East Pakistan have been under strict order not to cross the frontiers and to exercise utmost restraint in the face of grave provocations. The present situation, however, is such that the offensive launched by Indian armed forces must be met by us with all the force at our command in the defense of our territorial integrity.

India continues to harp on the theme that the inroads into Pakistan are being made by the so-called “Mukti Bahini” – a rebel force created, maintained and sustained by India. No one will be deceived by the Indian claim which stands disproved by the scale of present operations and by the equipment including armor and air force elements now being used.

I would like to say unhesitatingly that I wish to avoid a senseless and destructive war with India. But the developing situation created by India may lead us to a point of no return.”

US Ambassador’s conversation with President Yahya:

Yahya was hopeful that international mediation would somehow prevent a confrontation in the Subcontinent which could be an international disaster.

Letter from the Government of Bangla Desh (sd Tajuddin) to the Prime Minister of India:

“-The military rulers of West Pakistan are not open to persuasion to return to the path of reason and face the realities of the situation.

– The so-called civilian government of East Pakistan are quislings who constitute the defeated candidates are sustained by a repressive martial law regime universally and hated by the people of Bangla Desh.

– Nearly five million citizens (in addition to 10 million refugee in India) of Bangla Desh are victim of systematic brutality of Pakistani army and wandering with no succour or relief. The military regime of Pakistan has embarked on a pre-meditated and planned extermination of our race.

– The military regime of West Pakistan still refuses negotiations with Sheikh Mujibur Rahman and the Government of Bangla Desh.

– The people of the North-West Frontier Province and Baluchistan have expressed their dissatisfaction in a manner which has now compelled the Government of West Pakistan to ban the National Awami Party which had won a majority in the provincial elections in these two provinces of West Pakistan.

– The Mukti Bahini, with the universal support of the people of Bangla Desh, has achieved signal successes in regaining effective administrative control over large areas of our motherland against the military oppressor.

– The military regime of West Pakistan has sought to divert the attention of the world from the root cause of the problem by attempting to internationalise the issue by projecting it as an Indo-Pakistan dispute.

– Bangladesh has proclaimed independence and the basic principles of our State policy are democracy, socialism, secularism and the establishment of an egalitarian society, where there would be no discrimination on the basis of race, religion, sex or creed. We assure you of our Government’s full co-operation in organising the expeditious return of the refugees back to their home.

– We request that you accord immediate recognition to the sovereign People’s Republic of Bangla Desh.”

November 24: Discussion with cleared Awami League MNA-elect Nurul Islam and MPA-elect S.B. Zaman:

“Islam said he and other cleared Awami Leaguers sought no per­sonal power in present crisis, but were only interested in seeing kill­ing stopped in East Pakistan and dying of East Pakistanis in refugee camps in India brought to an end. Toward these ends he appealed to (1) seek to obtain Soviet agreement to stop arms supplies to Mukti Bahini and (2) halt Indian attacks on East Pakistan.

Zaman said that extremists on both the right and left in East Paki­stan were supported by about 10 per cent each of East Pakistan population. Vast majority of East Pakistanis, including cleared Awami Leaguers, wanted united Pakistan on basis of six points and thereby an end to exploitation of the past. They did not seek, how­ever, independence. Islam said he agreed with Yahya’s assessment that Sheikh Mujibur Rahman would be killed by East Pakistanis, i.e. Naxalites, if he agreed to anything short of independence. In any case, Mujib’s credibility would be very suspect among general pub­lic who are likely to believe that he had been brainwashed by Army during captivity.”

During his Nov 23 discus­sions with Yahya he proposed that in an effort to clarify current situation (1) he be permitted to meet Sheikh Mujibur Rahman to ascertain Rahman’s personal views, i.e. whether he continued to support six points approach or complete independ­ence for East Pakistan. Islam said Rahman would without ques­tion tell him that he had been out of touch for eight months and could not express his views until he had consulted with other members of the Awami League. (2) After discussion with Rahman, Islam would proceed to Calcutta for discussion with Tajuddin and other Awami Leaguers there or if government so desired, alternatively, go to other foreign countries where Bangladesh missions are maintained to meet with Awami Leaguers in those locations. Islam said President Yahya did not respond to these suggestions.

Washington Special Actions Group Meeting considers cut off of aid and military pipeline to India and Pakistan.

Discussion with UNHCR president Prince Sadruddin Aga Khan and Asst Secy Sisco:

“He had feeling from his conversations (in New Delhi) that India did not want war and would accept whatever solution in East Pakistan was acceptable to Awami League. GOI leaders pressed Sadruddin to work for political solution in Islamabad.

He said he thought current Jessore operaton was limited GOI test of its ability to use Mukti Bahini with Indian support to put pressure on Yahya. Sadruddin said it was his assessment that Mujib might not want independent Bangla Desh. Even today he wants unified Pakistan. Although Yahya claims that he could not deal with Mujib because Mujib would be killed by his own people, Sadruddin said he thought Yahya was completely wrong. Sadruddin said he had ‘pleaded’ with Yahya for many hours to establish his credibility not by transfer of power but by starting dialogue with Mujib. Yahya in response argued there would be tremendous unrest in West Pakistan. Sadruddin said he thought Yahya was definitely exaggerating reaction.

Yahya’s solution however is to put pressure on Mrs. Gandhi to give up support of Mukti Bahini. He believes he could then clean up Mukti Bahini in matter of days and transfer power to elected representatives.

Sadruddin emphasized that Yahya must make sure that army recognizes that there can be no military solution in East Pakistan and that it must accept political solution.”

Minutes of Washington Special Actions Group Meeting:

Sisco: I believe India would be willing to go along if Mujib were restored to power by peaceful means. India doesn’t want war. If Mujib were back in power, he would organize an East Pakistan Government and it wouldn’t be long before it was a separate entity or independent.

Discussion between President Nixon, Secretary of State Rogers, and National Security Assistant Kissinger:

Kissinger: We got the military governor replaced with a civilian governor. We got them to admit UN observers. We got them to permit UN peace.

Rogers “agreed fully” that the United States should tilt toward Pakistan. The question was how to do it.

November 25: Telegram from Amconsul Calcutta to Secretary State:

Qaiyum said “war has already started on this side,” and claimed Mukti Bahini (MB) had ‘liberated’ great deal of territory. He believed MB tactics were to surround Pak troop contin­gents and wipe them out or drive them out. After that, Indian army could come in if it wanted to provide artillery support for next MB attack.

He denied that India army doing most of fighting “inside Bangladesh” saying, “we do not want Indian army in our country any more than we want Pak army.” He allowed that In­dian army might venture into east behind MB, since there would then be no Pak army to keep them out.”

November 26: Message from the Ambassador to Pakistan (Farland) to the President’s Assistant for National Security Affairs (Kissinger) on today’s discussion with Yahya:

Yahya is continuing to exercise maximum restraint, but expressed regretfully that there was limit thereto in event India renews attacks.

Raja Tridiv Roy in Ceylon as representative of GOP President Khan:

Roy stated that quote Pakistan has opened the door for the refugees to return to their homeland, but India is trying to discourage them from going home in order to increase tensions in the area.

Group calling itself Ceylon Committee for Human Rights in Bangla Desh was refused interview with Roy and promptly branded him “an outcast.. .who cannot reconcile the teachings of the compassionate Buddha with murder, rape and pillage by the military clique whose cause he had come here to espouse.”

November 27: Presidential Message to Mrs. Gandhi from Nixon:

“I note your Government has confirmed that your armed forces have been engaged on Pakistani territory. The situation has reached a critical stage and there is danger of all-out hostilities.

President Yahya would be willing to take the first step in disengaging his forces on the frontier with West Pakistan provided India were willing to take reciprocal action subsequently. I have not heard from you on the point, and I hope you would agree promptly to designate a representative who could discuss a limited disengagement with a representative named by President Yahya.”

November 29: Memorandum from the Kissinger to President Nixon:

India-Pakistan: Active fighting continues in the border areas of East Pakistan. Indian officials seem increasingly open about the fact that Indian troops have gone across the border, but they continue to maintain that the crossings are to quell Pakistani shelling or in some other act of self-defense.

Washington Special Actions Group Meeting:

“India had seven divisions massed along the border with East Pakistan, but Lt. Gen. Robert E. Cushman (CIA) noted that most of the fighting within East Pakistan was being done by the Mukti Bahini supported by Indian artillery, armor, and, on occasion, troops.”

November 30: A press release by Mujibnagar Bangla Desh Government on success of Mukti Bahini and Yahaya’s bogey of Indian attack to hide their success.

October 1971

October 2: Discussion Between US Secretary Rogers and India FonMin Swaran Singh (India)-Bangla Desh-GOP Negotiations:

Secretary urged GOI initiate dialogue without insisting upon Mujib’s participation to see what could be accomplished. Swaran Singh replied that US has contacts with Bangla Desh people. It has greater influence, it should try bring about dialogue.

October 3: Telegram from Amconsul Calcutta to Secretary State Washington DC:

“Qaiyum met Political Officer October 3 to pass mes­sage from BD “Acting President” Islam requesting speedy USG re­sponse to BDG demarche presented to Poloff by “Fonmin” Mushtaq Ahmed September 28.

Qaiyum reported Mukti Bahini plans to inject 40 to 60 thou­sand armed men into East Pakistan by end of October in effort to wreck GOP administration.

He quoted Islam as saying only Mujib can negotiate anything less than independence for BD and that in Mujib’s absence BDG has no choice but to demand complete independence.

Later, Qaiyum said only he, Islam, Mushtaq and “two other members of Cabinet” were aware of substance and fact of Mushtaq’s meeting with Poloff.”

October 5: Statement by Shri G.S. Kahlon, Rehabilitation Secretary, Government of India In the 22nd session of the executive committee of UNHCR held in Geneva:

“Beginning from end of March, within a couple of months total influx of refugees into India had gone up to nearly four million, and today it has crossed 9 million already, without any signs of them returning to East Pakistan at all. Average inflow per day still continues to be between 30,000 to 50,000 persons, and if this rate continues at this scale we may well have not less than 12 million refugees on our hands by end of this year. “

October 7: Analytical Summary Prepared by the National Security Council Staff:

“The State Department paper judges that the political steps taken so far by President Yahya, which exclude the Awami League, do not provide the basis of a settlement acceptable to the Bangla Desh leadership in Calcutta. To facilitate a political evolution, the paper suggests that “our next step should be designed to promote the beginning of a dialogue between the government of Pakistan and the Bangla Desh leadership.” The paper notes that we have two possible channels-the Government of India and the Bangla Desh representatives in Calcutta and elsewhere. State suggests that we say we believe President Yahya would be receptive to a dialogue. The problem with this is that as far as we know the Bangla Desh leadership only wants to negotiate on the basis of independence and the release of Mujib.”

Minutes of Washington Special Actions Group Meeting:

“Senior Pakistani officials are convinced that Yahya will launch a pre-emptive attack in the next few weeks. Yahya himself has given the British the impression that he is considering such action, but he has assured our DCM he is not.

The secret treason trial of Mujibur Rahman has antagonized the East. A reliable source says he has been sentenced to life imprisonment. Yahya can uphold the sentence, commute it or let the matter lie. His decision will be an indication of how conciliatory he intends to be toward East Pakistan.”

October 8: Telegram from the Department of State to the Embassy in Pakistan US warns India to stop assisting Mukti Bahini:

“We have heard reports for some time of possible large-scale cross-border effort by Mukti Bahini to coincide with end monsoon season. We would, therefore, strongly urge that GOI act immediately to reduce these risks by efforts with MB to restrict cross-border operations. While we recognize that major responsibility for maintenance of India-Pak peace rests with GOP, GOI also bears major responsibility keep present situation from deteriorating into war or prolonged insurgency. Should such cross-border operations lead to conflict with Pakistan, this would have serious effect on US-India relations.”

Yahya’s letter to Nixon asking American support:

“Pakistan is considering to call a meeting of the Security Council to consider serious threat to peace in the sub-continent arising from India’s open and mounting interference in Pakistan’s internal affairs and ever-increasing Indian military activities on Pakistan’s borders.”

October 9: Telegram from the Department of State to the Consulate General in Calcutta

“USG has no desire place itself between GOP and BD reps or to enter into merits of po­sitions of either side. USG therefore has no substantive comment to make on points raised by Mushtaq. We would urge, rather, that the BD reps seek earliest opportunity to present views directly to GOP reps, in effort explore possibility of negotiated settlement.”

October 10: “Six month long ban on politics in Pakistan lifted, yet Awami League is Illegal. Following the ban on the Awami League, the biggest single faction in the Assembly became the People’s Party of Zulfikar Ali Bhutto.” ( Reuters )

Pakistan: The propaganda War : The Sunday Times (Page 1) (Page 2)

October 11: Pakistan Peoples Party’s Karachi Secretary Meiraj Mohammad Khan admits Razakar terror.

Meiraj alleged that in East Bengal “power in effect has been transferred to those reactionary and anti-people political parties defeated in the elections and rejected by the people”.

He named one party-the Muslim Jammaat-e-Islami group-of indulging in wholesale massacre of political opponents for which they are using their Razakars.

Meiraj, who has influence among students, added: “Under the umbrella of a Government consisting of members of defeated and reactionary parties, elections cannot be free.”

The General secretary of NAP, Moshiur Rahman and Anwar Zahid (former joint secretary) who had left the NAP in 1970 met Pakistan People’s Party (PPP) leaders in Dhaka who came to survey the situation in view of forthcoming by-elections for 78 seats formerly held by mem­bers of the Awami League. Maulana Kawser Niazi, publicity secretary of the PPP said that the talks had been fruitful. The PPP and Jamaat-i- Islami were against Bangladesh and directly supported the Pakistani army.

Telegram from the Consulate General in Karachi to the Department of State on discussion with Yahya:

“I referred specifically to possibility of Mujib’s serving as “trump card” and asked whether he might tell me anything further in that regard. Yahya noted that Mujib’s trial was still going on. If he were convicted, court would sentence him to punishment which would conceivably be death. Matter would then come before Yahya who had presidential power to modify court’s judgement. As he had already told us, he did not intend to permit any death sentence to be carried out.

Mujib’s role seemed to be a crucial issue, for example, with regard initiation any direct talks between GOP and BD leadership. We have recent indications that various pressures on BD leadership in Calcutta have inhibited any progress toward initiating talks, and one of their primary concerns seems to be that Mujib should have role.

Yahya responded that there were limits on his freedom of action. He pointed to predominant West Pak public opinion damning Mujib, and opined that not a single West Pak political leader would welcome an act to free Mujib and negotiate with him.”

October 12: Air Marshal (Retd.) Asghar Khan complains that there is no press freedom in Pakistan and he withdraws his party Tehrik-i-Istiqlal from the by-elactions. (The Dawn)

Telegram from the Embassy in India to the Department of State on discussion with Indian Foreign Minister Swaran Singh and Foreign Secretary Kaul:

“Foreign Minister (a) claimed East Pakistan insurgency profoundly rooted in Bengali alienation and has own dynamic, not dependent upon India; (b) argued insurgency exists deep within East Pakistan and significance of cross-border activities easily exaggerated and any event GOI cannot shoot down East Bengalis entering or departing India; (c) noted how long insurgency will be prolonged and whether it leads to Pak attack upon India depends upon GOP; (d) stressed insurgency is caused basically by Pak military repression to which Mukti Bahini (MB) is reaction.

Foreign Minister (a) expressed strong resentment at any suggestion East Pakistan insurgency being maintained by India; (d) charged US support to GOP strengthens Yahya regime determination to maintain military repression policy; and (e) concluded US has heavy responsibility to exercise its “great influence” with GOP. Foreign Minister asserted in event GOP agreed to withdraw military forces from Indo-Pak borders, GOI could reconsider situation in light circumstances at that time.”

October 13: Bangla Desh Government’s reaction to Yahya’s broadcast to the nation.

October 14: Abdul Monem Khan, former Governor of East Pakistan, died of gunshot wounds inflicted by two men who visited his home in Dacca.

In absence of BD “Foreign minister” Mushtaq Ahmed, Poloff met BD “High Commissioner” Hossain Ali and briefed US position:

“Ali said Yahya’s October 12 broadcast to nation showed Yahya still trying pull wool over world’s eyes. They had seen no glimmer of hope for change in Yahya’s remarks.

Ali noted that Mukti Bahini had worked hard to build itself up in past few months, was ready for battle and eager to fight for independence of BD. Poloff argued that continuation and escalation of violent method by MB might lead to death, destruction and suffering, which USG earnestly hoped could be avoided. It would be much better for BD to find peaceful solution to their prob­lems so that energies of MB could be more constructively channeled to rebuild in East. While Ali agreed that this might be more desirable solution, he said he was not sure in his own mind that it would be possible for simple reason he did not believe Yahya would peace­fully accord independence to BD.”

US Dept of state’s direction to Ambassador regarding dialog with Yahya: Future of Mujib and political accom­modation

October 15: Letter from the Government of Bangla Desh to the Prime Minister of India requesting for recognition to the free and duly constituted Government of Bangla Desh.

“Since the formal proclamation of our Independence on April 10, our struggle for liberation has gained increased momentum and strength. Nearly 60,000 members of the former East Bengal Regiment, East Pakistan Rifles and other para-military formations identified themselves with the struggle of the 75 million people of Bangla Desh and took up arms in defence of our motherland. They were joined by hundreds of thousands of young men whom they trained to defend the sovereignty and independence of their homeland, and to release it from the bonds of colonial oppression.

The policy of repression has continued with increasing brutality in the vain hope of liquidating the leadership and reducing the majority of the Bengali­speaking people to a minority. Members of the minority communities became special victims of the reign of terror. As a result of this policy of genocide, rape, arson and loot, nearly nine million of our men, women and children have been driven out in terror and have taken shelter in your country, and the exodus still continues.

Sheikh Mujibur Rahman, our undisputed leader and President, has been subjected to a secret military trial and has been reportedly condemned to death. The Awami League has been banned, which had won an unparalleled victory in the national elections held last December. The military regime of Pakistan has disqualified 79 duly elected representatives of the people and has imposed a so-called civilian regime consisting of defeated candidates and quislings which is now supported by the might of the military machine of Pakistan. These gestures have not deceived the 75 million people of Bangla Desh. They have only exposed the deception and insincerity of the military oppressors. All this has only made us more determined than ever to liberate Bangla Desh.

We are glad to inform you, Excellency, that this struggle has borne fruit. The liberation army of the People’s Republic of Bangla Desh, the Mukti Bahini, are in full control of half the territory of Bangla Desh. We also confirm that the Bangla Desh Government has established effective civil administration over this area which is functioning smoothly. This development has not merely been welcomed by the broad masses of the people, but the efforts of our Government have found spontaneous and overwhelming support in the areas under its control.”

October 18: Dhaka Guerillas start offensive: The Guardian

October 19: Prime Minister Indira Gandhi’s interview with Sydney H. Schanberg:

“She did not categorically deny that India was helping them. She said instead, ‘perhaps you know, they have many helpers, mostly their own people, all over the world. Also, many avenues are open to them’. She did not elaborate. ‘Whether they have arms or not, nobody can suppress the struggle’.

Mrs. Gandhi cited ‘threatening statements from Pakistan which, we feel, cannot be entirely ignored’. She mentioned, in particular, the speech last week of President Agha Mohammad Yahya Khan in which he accused India of ‘feverish military preparations’ and called on his people to meet the threat as a nation of one hundred and twenty million mujahids or preachers of Islam ‘whose hearts are pulsating with love of the Holy Prophet’.

Mrs. Gandhi was asked if she felt there was a breaking point to the economic and social pressures placed on India by the refugees, a point beyond which India might feel compelled to take military action against Pakistan to halt the influx. “Well, actually, I would say, we have already reached it “, she replied. “But this does not mean that we are going to crack under it”.

Yahya’s Letter to President Nixon:

“In an already tense situation India’s land, sea and air forces have been brought to a state of confrontation against Pakistan’s frontiers in both the wings. There are 7 divisions of the Indian army which are deployed against West Pakistan and additional forces have been put in a state of readiness to move to forward positions at short notice.

Mr. President, the inevitable conclusion that one can draw from this offensive posture of the Indian armed forces is that it is pointed in the direction of conflict and not of peace. May I urge you to impress upon the Government of India the need for urgent constructive steps with a view to arresting further deterioration of the situation in the sub-continent.”

October 20: An evaluation of East Pakistan insurgancy:

“Over past three months East Pakistan insurgency has increased in intensity and widened its geographic scope of operations. Concentrating in the rural areas, with only token activity in cities (exception has been systemic and repeated disruption of power supply to Chittagong), Mukti Bahini (MB) have stepped up their disruption of roads, bridges, railroad lines in most parts of the country. In some districts, notably Dacca, Comilla, Noakhali, Faridpur, Bakarganj, MB seems able move about almost at will and appears even to have set up parallel administration at some points. Evidence on hand suggests that insurgents are better armed than formerly, (automatic weapons, mortars, heavier explosives) and increasingly able undertake sophisticated operations (mining of ships, effective sabotage of bridges, etc.). In central and southern districts mentioned, MB has demonstrated aggressiveness and skill in ambush operations against Razakars (voluntary home guards) and army, occasionally inflicting significant casualties. Areas other than those cited above, MB activities largely confined destruction of bridges, culverts, railway lines, apparently avoiding contact with govt forces.

To extent that “civilianization” and general amnesty were intended damp insurgent activities, they have demonstrably failed. While weariness and desire for “peace at almost any price” apparent among middle class urban groups, we have impression that younger Bengalis, particularly those in countryside, are entrenched in their detestation of Islamabad Government and bitterness against Pak army. These attitudes reinforced by persisting reports atrocities and indiscriminate retaliation carried out by government forces, principally army or Razakars, to point where even many conservative Bengalis see no other outcome than to drive army out by force.”

October 23: Prime Minister Indira Gandhi’s Broadcast to the Nation urges Indians to unite to uphold the freedom and integrity of the nation

October 26: A Bangla Desh Government press release on Bangladesh delegation in the UNO

October 28: Prime Minister Indira Gandhi’s speech at the Royal Institute of International Affairs, London:

“As a result of the tragic events in East Bengal, 9,000,000 people have poured into our territory, creating a situation which seems to surpass the convulsions of partition. The crisis in Pakistan is a deep one and the spectre which haunts that unhappy country cannot be exercised by the usual recourse to blaming India. Two questions arise: first, whether religion by itself can form the basis of a nation state, especially when the state machinery is impervious to the ordinary laws of political development and cultural aspirations, and secondly, whether some action other than that of the bayonet is not necessary to win loyalty. We in India are restrained and calm in the face of provocation but we are bound to protect the interests of our country….”

October 30: Letter from President Nixon to Pakistani President Yahya:

On October 26 the press in Pakistan printed the text of Yahya’s October 25 letter to U Thant welcoming his offer to mediate in the dispute between India and Pakistan. I know of the Secretary General’s very recent letter to you and Mrs. Gandhi, and I welcome the tenor of your response to that letter.

October 31: Prime Minister Indira Gandhi’s address to the India League, London:

“It seems very strange to us how the situation can be normalised by suddenly declaring that some elected people are no longer there when they are very much in the world. You suddenly say that you are going to have new elections and that new elections are going to solve the problem. They cannot possibly solve the problem. The elections were not considered illegal when they were held, the programme put before the people was well known to the Government and the elections were presided over by the same governmental authority. They had a six-point programme on which they fought the elections and which was supported by the vast majority of the people of both sides of Pakistan. Nobody objected to it. The time to raise an objection was before the elections were fought. They could have said, ” well, we don’t approve of this programme, we are not going to accept the six points and, therefore, if you want to fight the elections you will have to re-think”. I do not know if it would have been proper, but certainly if any objection had to be raised, that was the time to raise it, not when the programme was accepted. The people thought it was accepted and they voted accordingly.”

September 1971

September 1: Directives to the nation by Bangla Desh government

September 2: The slaughter of 200,000 Bengalis – El Commercio – Equador

Memorandum of conversation between The Secretary Christopher Van Hollen, Deputy Assistant Secretary, NEA Peter D. Constable, Senior Political Officer, Pakistan-Afghanistan Affairs Maj. Gen. Inam-ul Haq, Director General, Defense Procurement; Pakistan Ministry of Defense Mr. Z.M. Farooqi, Deputy Chief of Mission, Embassy of Pakistan:

The Secretary stated, they are not pressing the Government of Pakistan. “We want to take a look at the problem together. We do not want to change our policy toward Pakistan or to do anything that will hurt Pakistan. If it does work out, it would be to our mutual advantage, since it would give us an opportunity to try to play a constructive role in economic assistance.”

Statement by Peter Shore, British MP: “The British Government should not resume consortia aid or economic aid to West Pakistan”.

September 3: Report from the Deputy Administrator of Aid Maurice Williams to Secretary of State:

“When asked about exclusion of Hindus from relief assistance in the cyclone disaster area, President Yahya Khan replied that ‘discrimination against Hindus was contrary to instructions,’ and that he ‘encourages the return of the refugees.’

General Rahim Khan said 200 local leaders had been killed by Mukti Bahini attacks in the struggle which is now beginning for administrative control of rural areas. The government is turning to, and arming as irregulars, the most deeply orthodox Muslims in the rural villages. These tend to be the poorer, opportunistic elements with little or no experience in leadership roles, but with fierce loyalty to Islam and equally fierce anti-Hindu feelings.

General Rahim Khan told us of plans to abolish all traditional village leaders and councils and displace them with thoroughly loyal peace committees — the deeply orthodox Muslims mentioned above.”

US Government’s assessment of their achievements:

“President Nixon’s initiative in directing massive relief to East Pakistan has: (a) improved the public and moral posture of President Yahya Khan’s government (through its concern for relief to its citizens in. the East Wing), (b) reduced the prospects of widespread famine, (c) led to some deemphasis of military control over civil affairs, and (d) brought a Bengali Governor to head the civil administration in East Pakistan. These are important gains which were only possible because of our policy of maintaining a dialogue with Pakistan, as well as with India. We should continue to keep open channels of communication and influence.”

September 4: Guerilla activities by Bangladesh rebels – Keesing’s archives.

Secret Telegram from Amembassy, Islamabad to Secretary of State on Contacts with Bangla Desh Reps:

‘We commented that we understood Moshtaque Ahmed had been thinking of going
to UK, and that might be better site for meeting. Yahya raised no objection to
that possibility ….. I believe that Dept should now instruct Calcutta to make
contact with Moshtaque Ahmed in accordance previous plan.’

September 5: Address to the nation by Tajuddin Ahmed Prime Minister of Bangla Desh – Page 1, Page 2

US president’s monday brief:

‘Farland reports that Yahya was “entirely agreeable” and “reacted favourably”
to the mention of BD “Foreign Minister” whom Yahya knew and described as one
of the true moderates amongst Mujib’s followers, Yahya suggested, a possible
meeting could take place in East Pakistan…..’

September 7: Amembassy, Islamabad’s telegram to Secretary State, Washington DC on East Pakinstani intelelctuals:

“Repression of East Pakistani intellectuals are continuing probably on a reduced scale than in March.”

Pak army chief of staff on military situation in East Pakistan:

“Hamid had not yet seen evidence that GOI intended war. He hoped that expanded amnesty effective Sept. 5 would encourage further return to normalcy.”

September 8: Minutes of Washington Special Actions Group Meeting:

Yahya said that his policy was for a “civilianization of the Government in East Pakistan” which means deemphasizing the role of the military in running the place. He has now appointed Dr. A.M. Malik, a Bengali, as Governor of East Pakistan in place of the Commanding General there.

With regard to political accommodation, the amnesty does not extend to most of the Awami League. Only 88 of the elected League members of the General Assembly and 94 League members of the Provincial Assembly have been cleared of criminal charges and therefore included in the amnesty. Most of these are in India-only 16 of the 88 General Assembly members are in Dacca. The remaining 79 General Assembly members and 60 Provincial Assembly members are on trial either in person or in absentia. There has been some blunting of anti-Hindu practices and some improvement in a more balanced distribution of relief supplies.

Mr. Williams: The first step in the communal violence may have been the killing by the Bangla Desh of the Urdu-speaking Bihari Minister. The counter-reaction when the Pak troops arrived led to the communal riots. The exact number of casualties is not known, but the deaths in the communal riots were probably in the thousands and in the later attacks on the Hindus, probably in the ten-thousands.

We also need to settle on the number of refugees in order to calculate refugee needs. India claims 8 million, the Pakistanis say over 2 million.

Dr. Kissinger: What do you think?

Mr. Williams: Probably around 6 million.”

September 10: Secret Telegram from Amconsul Calcutta to Secretary of State:

“Consulate General in making attempt arrange appoint­ment with Bangladesh “Foreign Minister” Mushtaq Ahmed learned that BD Cabinet position has hardened recently. Cabinet now taking line that only Sheikh Mujibur Rahman is qualified to deal with GOP and therefore opposes negotiations at this stage. Contact man Qai­yum reports Cabinet has agreed that essential preconditions to nego­tiations are for Yahya to (A) free Mujib and return him to East Ben­gal and (B) Proclaim general amnesty for all MNA’s, MPA’s and others connected with Bangladesh movement — essentially a return to status quo ante March 25.”

September 15: Secret Telegram from Amconsul Calcutta to Secretary State on contacts with Bangla Desh reps:

“Qaiyum indicate that earlier initiative seeking BD-GOP negotiations has cooled off considerably as result of intervening events and new pressures… we think direct talks with Mushtaq may still be useful.”

Telegram from the Department of State to the Embassy in India on East Pakistan relief.

September 16: Memorandum from Harold Sunders and Samuel Hoskinson to Dr. Kissinger

Situation Report on India/Pakistan:

“A consultative committee or “National Liberation Front” has been formed in Calcutta by the Awami League and representatives of pro-Soviet Communist and other leftist parties from East Pakistan. The committee includes the Bangla Desh cabinet and Acting President, as well as representatives from the other parties, but does not include the pro-Chinese Toaha group, which has some independent guerrilla capability in East Pakistan.”

September 17: Extracts from U.N. Secretary-General’s introduction to the Annual Report on the
work of the U.N. Organisation relating to the situation in East Bengal
.

September 18: In a conference in London Dr. AR Mallik (VC of Chittagong University), leader of Non-official delegation from Bangladesh attacked the ’self styled guardians of Pakistan and Islam’ in Islamabad who had no quelms in going for a mass annihiliation of Bengalis.

September 21: Dates of East Pakistan by-election revised. According to the revised schedule for these by-elections, nomination papers for election to the National Assembly and the, Provincial Assembly of East Pakistan will be received by the Returning Officers concerned on 20th October and 21st October, 1971, respectively.

The last date for withdrawal of candidature, if any, will be 28th October, 1971, in the case of both the Assemblies. Polls shall be taken for elections to the two Assemblies simultaneously commencing from 12th December, 1971, and will be conducted by 23rd December, 1971.

Telegram from the Department of State to the Consulate General in Calcutta

“On September 20 the Consulate General in Calcutta reported that the Bangladesh leadership in the city were divided over whether to meet with representatives of the U.S. Government. Qaiyum sent word through a messenger that, while Mushtaq Ahmed and Tajuddin Ahmed were not interested in such a meeting, Acting President Nazrul Islam was ‘keen’ to meet with a political officer of the Consulate General. (Telegram 2527 from Calcutta)”

September 22: Situation report:

– Appointment of Dr. A.M. Malik, a Bengali, as Governor to replace Lt. General Tikka Khan and the formation of a ten-man civilian cabinet of ministers, including two former Awami Leaguers, announced earlier this month. Although the cabinet members are generally conservative, undistinguished and with limited political appeal, its formation and the appointment of Malik himself constitute a positive first step away from a strictly military approach to the East Pakistan situation.

– A general amnesty announced September 4 which does not, however, apply to Awami League MNAs-elect or MPAs-elect against whom criminal proceedings have been initiated. (Dacca indicates that arrests of intellectuals are continuing and that only one political figure has been released so far under the amnesty provision. suggesting it is of dubious credibility.)

Meanwhile, the refugee flow has continued at a ratio of 15,000 to 40,000 a day over the past two months, according to Indian figures. Probably close to 7.5 million of the total of 8.76 million refugees are Hindus, meaning that roughly three-quarters of the Hindu population of East Pakistan has left.

The Mukti Bahini have decided not to disrupt the UN food distribution program in East Pakistan. Guerrilla sector commanders are reported to have met in Calcutta and decided to exempt the UN relief effort from attack on the grounds that the UN is not likely to permit its activities to be of assistance to the Martial Law Administration.

The approximate value of US relief assistance to East Pakistan is now about $135 million. Of this total, our dollar assistance to date is $13.9 million, food assistance is valued at approximately $107.6 million, and local currency (rupee) assistance is the equivalent of $13.5 million.”

India and Pakistan: Preparations for Hostilities – Intelligence Indicators–:

“The air forces of both sides have been in a high state of alert since early August, and ground forces have been in various states of alert over the same period. Both sides have restricted or cancelled military leaves, possibly recalled some reservists, and conducted civil defense exercises. Both sides have reportedly been evacuating villagers from border areas. In addition, the following more specific preparations for hostilities have been reported in the past few weeks by various sources.”

September 24: Secret Telegram from Amconsul Calcutta to Secretary State:

“Afternoon September 23 Qaiyum’s messenger called on Poloff to set up meeting with Qaiyum. Messenger volunteered that delay (see reftel) was due to fact that GOI had learned that USG officials had seen BD representatives and had apparently issued warning to “Acting President” Islam that dealing with USG could be ticklish matter. According messenger, head of MEA branch secretariat Ashok Ray on September 21 spoke to Islam and asked him if it was true, as GOI had heard, that BD representatives were holding discus­sions with USG officials. Messenger assumed Islam’s reply was af­firmative and reported that Ray then delivered warning that Poloff was “experienced and extremely clever diplomat” who would at­tempt manipulate Islam and BD policy.

Poloff met Qaiyum briefly evening September 23 and was told that Islam still “keen” meet Poloff either September 24 or 25.

Qaiyum continued that he and Islam blame GOI for current inter­nal dissension in BDG and said: “We are fed up with this attempt to control our actions.” He opined that GOI wished to prolong currant situation and said this worried BDG because it worked to advantage of Maulana Bhasani and other leftists.”

September 25: Bangla Desh government publishes a key document “Bangladesh – Contemporary events and documents” – a compilation of the main events that took place between March 1969 to April 1971 which lead to the present conflict and declaration of the independence of Bangladesh (Press release – page 1, page 2)

C-in-C of Mukti Bahini M.A.G. Osmani gives a speech on war situation.

Report on Pak plans to initiate small-scale border incident with India:

“There are other reasons which we think might impel GOP at some time to take heavy risks involved in initiating any military action against India. One is possibility of unhappiness among military elements over recent events in country, which might lead Yahya to adventure. Another possible reason for Pak military action against India is feeling that Pak military is doomed to eventual defeat as result Indian support of Mukti Bahini.”

September 27: An Intelligence note from Bureau of Intelligence and Research:

“Yahya went to Tehran in a final attempt to arrange a summit meeting between himself and Mrs. Gandhi in order to avert war. He allegedly appealed to the Shah to use “every influence” to arrange such a meeting.”

Maulana Mannan, then president of the Madrasah Teachers’ Association, led a delegation and met General Niazi. Niazi was Zonal Martial Law Administrator for Zone B: East Pakistan (Bangladesh) and commander of the Eastern Command to extend the support of the Madrasah teachers and students. Mannan said, “We are ready to cooperate with the army for Pakistan’s security and to enhance the glory of Islam.”

Niazi welcomed the support and said that the Ulemas (Islamic scholars), and others could organise voluntary groups. He extended full official support to form Village Defence Forces and counter the “Indian spies”. After the meeting the , madrasah teachers and students were inducted into the Razakar, Al-Badr and Al-Shams forces and given military training.

September 28: A press note from chief martial law administrator:

Update of the Sheikh Mujib trial and warning to people refrain from saying or doing anything which may constitute a contempt of court.

American Congen political officer Poloff meets with BD ForMin Mustaque in Calcutta:

“Mushtaq placed blame for events in East Pakistan since March 25 squarely on USG because of its continued support of GOP. He nonetheless said it fervent desire of BDG to regain close friendship with United States. He hoped USG would find it in its own interest to help arrange for peaceful independence for Bangladesh.

Poloff asked what BDG expected from USG. Mushtaq replied, “Stop helping Yahya. Stop helping kill my innocent people. You have practically forced my people into the lap of the extremists. What is our crime? You must put pressure on Yahya to stop. You have minimized my population, one million of them are dead. An­other nine million have been forced to flee to India and Burma, where they are not wanted. He said USG could, by following present policy, help extremists win out in BD and deny all its demo­cratic victory.

In discussing BDG desire have Sheikh Mujib freed, Poloff re­minded Mushtaq USG had made public appeal to GOP. Mushtaq re­plied that he aware of this, but added, “Moscow is also claiming in New Delhi that they kept the Sheikh alive.

List of BDG desires follows:

(a) full independence for BD;

(b) release Sheikh Mujib;

(c) after independence, massive, long-term economic assistance from USG to help reconstruct nation and quick input humanitarian aid from USG to get people back on feet;

(d) after independence, establishment of normal diplomatic and business relations with Pakistan;

(e) details and modalities of plans for handing over nation to BD leaders and withdrawal Pak army to be worked out in con­sultations between BDG, USG and GOP;”

Mushtaq expressed hope he could maintain direct contact with Poloff via Hossain Ali “conduit.” He said he had authorized no rpt no other channel to USG and that if he did so, he would so inform Poloff.”

U.S. leverage in current East Pakistan crisis: U.S. Policy

September 29: Indo-Soviet joint Statement of the conclusion of Prime Minister Indira Gandhi’s visit to U.S.S.R.

“Urgent measures should be taken to reach a political solution…playing regard
to the wishes, the inalienable right, and lawful interests of the people of East
Bengal as well as the speediest and the safe return of the refugee to their
homeland in conditions safeguarding their honour and dignity.”

September 29: Asst Secy Sisco discussed with Indian Ambassador Jha on the current situation:

Sisco spells out US assessment: If no dialogue pos­sible without Mujib then dialogue will not get started. It ought to be possible to start dialogue with people who are reasonably represen­tative and who have Bangla Desh interests in mind without insisting that it be between Yahya and Mujib.

Sisco noted USG has been in touch with Bangla Desh representa­tives and had purposefully told GOI of these contacts. Jha inquired who would be next best people to contact if Mujib excluded. Sisco replied we would leave that to GOI.

Extracts from Prime Minister Indira Gandhi’s address at the Moscow University:

“We were about to embark upon a new programme of econo­mic advance, when from across our frontiers we had a new kind of invasion: not of armed men, but of a vast influx of helpless terror-stricken men, women and children from East Bengal-some wounded, some ill and all hungry. More than 9 million people have come in the last six months, and they continue to pour in. Has there been a greater migration in history?

When millions of people are pushed into another’s territory, jeopardizing its normal life, its plans for the future, and its very security, it is obvious that peace is in peril. We have shown the greatest forbearance, but it is essential that the basic cause of the crisis be immediately removed by a political solution acceptable to the people concerned. Unfortunately, there is no sign that this is being attempted. It is the world’s responsibility to create without further delay conditions to enable the refugees to return to their homes in safety and dignity ….”

September 30: President Nixon and Henry Kissinger met at the White House:

Kissinger said: “The Bangladesh people are actually quite eager to talk.” “At first, they were willing to settle for autonomy, and as we all know autonomy would produce independence, there is no other way it can go. Now the Indians have escalated their demand into total independence immediately.” He said that Yahya never would agree to such a demand.

we were trying to set up a meeting between the Bangladesh people and the West Pakistanis outside of India. And we had Yahya’s agreement to that. And the Indians have now totally thwarted. They made it hard for these people to deal with us, they are forcing them to check everything with them, they are padding demands which are totally incapable of fulfillment.’

August 1971

August 1: The “Concert For Bangla Desh” is held. Ravi Shankar conceived the idea of the concert to raise awareness and funds to help the victims of the jihadi Pakistani soldiers. He got together with George Harrison, an ex-Beetle and organised one of the biggest concerts at Madison Square Garden. Shankar, Harrison, Eric Clapton, Bob Dylan, Billy Preston, Leon Russel, Ringo Starr, Klaus Voormann, Badfinger, Pete Ham, Tom Evans, Joey Molland, Mike Gibbons, Allan Beutler, Jesse Ed Davis, Chuck Findly, Marlin Greene, Jeanne Greene, JD Green, Dolores Hall, Jim Horn, Kamala Chakravarty, Jackie Kelso, Jim Keltner, Ustad Ali Akbar Khan, Claudia Lennear, Lou McCreary, Ollie Mitchell, Don Nix, Don Preston, Carl Radle, Alla Rakah performed at this historic concert that brought the genocide to world attention. George Harrison wrote and sang the famous song, “Bangladesh” at the concert thus introducing the nation to the world.

* George/Ringo Help from a friend
* 40000 cheer two beatles

Telegram of Amconsul, Calcutta to Amembassy New Delhi:

“Kazi Zahirul Qaiyum MP of Awami League met consulate official on behalf of Khondkar Mustaque Ahmed to convey to the US government that ‘A.L. Leaders are anxious for political settlement with GOP and are prepared recede from total independence demand.’

When asked about Bangladesh plans, Qaiyum said there have been several long Cabinet meetings recently, and Prime Minister Tajuddin Ahmed “is at a loss what to do.” He said that seizing and holding “liberated territory” was out of the question as two fully trained and equipped army divisions would be needed to hold significant portion of East Bengal. Rather, he thought Mukti Fouz would continue to emphasize guerrilla tactics in effort to erode West Pakistan’s econ­omy and will. He said AL had some “friends” in West Pakistan who might eventually influence the situation to AL’s advantage. Pakistan might be compelled to change its policy towards East Bengal in six months.

Qaiyum emphasized that Sheikh Mujibur Rahman must play key role in any possible settlement as only Mujib is capable of holding East Bengal people together. If Mujib is tried and executed, all hope for resolution of current impasse will be lost. For this reason Qaiyum asked that US government do everything in its power to ensure Sheikh Mujib’s safety.”

Source: Bangladesh Liberation War and the Nixon White House 1971. p. 166 – 167


August 2: American Embassy, Islamabad reports to State Department on Dacca Internal Assessment; Lahore Internal Assessment; and Karachi Internal Assessment:

“Security situation has not improved. Some evidence non-cooperation. Persecution of Hindus declining in direct proportion to decline in size Hindu population. Latest estimate puts six million East Pakistan Hindus in India. Hindu monuments being destroyed some areas. Such destruction observed in Dacca and Chittagong and Hindu sculpture now very easy to obtain. Some Dacca streets with Hindu and English names renamed with Muslim names.”

August 3: Yahya announces that Sheikh Mujib will be tried by special military court for ‘waging war against Pakistan’

August 5: Bangladesh Govt hails US House decision

August 6: Telegram from the Department of State to Embassy in India :

“Cross-border shelling by both Indians and Pakistanis has increased as has tempo of guerilla activity which is shifting from sabotage to direct attacks on West Pakistani forces…”

“At a meeting with political officer of the Consulate A.L. M.N.A. Zahirul Qaiyum said
he was acting ‘under specific instruction of Bangladesh Minister who hopes to convince USG to initiate negotiations with GOP which will lead to a meeting of interested parties and peaceful settlement…

According Qaiyum, AL leaders think there is a good chance of war breaking out, perhaps in the next 15-20 days, which would be an enormous disaster for everyone on subcontinent. In long run, AL is confident that it can achieve military victory. East Bengal, however, is being devastated… Under any circumstances an enormous reconstruction job will be required. Qaiyum thought that US was only country capable of providing necessary assistance.”

The Consulate General in Dacca did an assessment of Qaiyum’s role in the Awami League and concluded that he was not prominent in the leadership but was probably a confidant of Khondkar Mushtaq Ahmad, the “Foreign Minister” of the Bangladesh independence movement, and a bona fide representative of Mushtaq. (Telegram 3057 from Dacca, August 8)

August 7: President Nixon wrote (handwritten) personally thank Yahya for his assistance in arranging contacts between the U.S. and China.

August 9: A Press Note issued by the Headquarters of the Chief Martial Law Administrator said that sheikh Mujibur Rahman will be tried by a Special Military Court for “waging war against Pakistan” and other offences. The trial will commence on August 11 in camera and its proceedings will be secret. (THE DAWN, Karachi-August 10, 1971)

A statement by External Affairs Minster of India in Lok Sabha expressing reaction on Sheikh Mujib’s trial:

“What happened after the 25th of March this year is known to the whole world. The denial of the verdict of the people and letting loose of military opp­ression and trampling on the fundamental human rights of the people of Bangla Desh stand self-condemned. Instead of respecting the verdict of the people and acknow­ledging Sheikh Mujibur Rahman as the elected and undisputed leader of Bangla Desh. the Pakistan Government has launched a reign of terror and carried out a calculated plan of genocide, the like of which has not been seen in recent times. To stage a farcical trial against Sheikh Mujibur Rahman is a gross violation of human rights and deserves to be condemned by the whole world.”

India and Soviet Union enters into a treaty of peace.

Memorandum from Acting Secretary of State Irwin to President Nixon on the Indo-Soviet treaty:

“The essence of the Treaty is its provision that in the event of attack or the threat of attack there will be immediate mutual consultations. Each side also undertakes to refrain from giving assistance to any third party taking part in armed conflict with the other party. These clauses not only assure Soviet neutrality in the event of hostilities in South Asia but also the prospect of Soviet assistance and support in the event of war.”

Memorandum of conversation between Indian Ambassador L.K. Jha and Henry Kissinger:

“Mr. Kissinger said he could not be more categorical in pointing out that a war between India and Pakistan would set back Indian-American relations for half a decade. “

August 10: Pakistan filed a protest note against U.N. Secretary General’s statement regarding Sheikh Mujib’s trial.

August 11: Discussion with UN Secretary General and US Secretary of State on UN Relief Effort in East Pakistan.

US Ambassador to Pakistan’s conversation with Pak Army Chief of staff on East Pakistan situation:

“Gen. Hamid acknowledges insurgency activity in East Pakistan is continuing at fairly active pace. He admits to crucial importance of successful political reconciliation but declined to express opinion on prospects. He acknowledges uncertainty on number of persons elected under Awami League ticket last December who will actually come forward to claim their seats in National Assembly. A recent publication ahows a list of 88 Awami League MNAs-elect, who are now cleared to take their seats.

Hamid said he was rather pleased with performance of “Razakars”, recruits (mainly Bengalis) from local population who have been given brief training and then put on armed duty mainly in static defense of bridges and other key structures.”

He adds further:

“GOI has not taken military measures that indicated intention to initiate war against Pakistan.”

Letter from the Indian Ambassador (Jha) to President Nixon:

“We apprehend that this so-called trial will be used only as a publicity to execute Sheikh Mujibur Rahman. This will aggravate the situation in East Bengal and will create a serious situation in India because of the strong feelings of our people and all political parties. Hence our grave anxiety. We appeal to you to exercise your influence with President Yahya Khan to take a realistic view in the larger interest of the peace and stability of this region.”

Minutes of Senior Review Group meeting held at US President’s office:

“President Nixon: ‘Let me be very blunt…… The US “must not – cannot – allow” India to use refugees as pretext for breaking up, Pakistan ……. That is what India wants to do.”

August 12: Indo Soviet joint statement:

“Both sides reiterated their firm conviction that….. Urgent steps be taken in East Pakistan for the achievement of political solution and for creation of conditions of safety for the return of the refugees to their homes which alone would answer the interests, of the entire people of Pakistan….”

August 13: Memorandum from Harold Saunders, NSC staff to Henry Kissinger :

“Bangla Desh representatives in India have recently sought out and made contact with middle ranking U.S. officials in New Delhi and Calcutta concerning a settlement with the West Pakistanis. It is not at all clear, however, what they are really fishing for. The approach in Calcutta (by Quayum), allegedly reflecting the Bangla Desh “Foreign Minister’s” wishes, was along the lines of a settlement on the basis of something less than full independence, while the approach by the ‘Foreign Secretary’ (M. Alam) in New Delhi was based on the opposite outcome of total independence.”

With the Bangladesh Guerillas – The New Statesman (Page 1, Page 2)

Bangladesh PM warns against fake trial of Mujib (Page 1, Page 2)

August 14: An officer from the Consulate General in Calcutta met with Bangladesh representative Qaiyum. Qaiyum reaffirmed that he was acting under instructions from his Foreign Minister (Khondoker Mushtaq) who was prepared to accept a negotiated settlement that provided for less than complete independence. Qaiyum emphasized that only Mujibur Rahman could negotiate on behalf of the people of East Bengal, and only he could get them to accept a political settlement. Qaiyum added, “if Sheikh is alive, there is hope for compro­mise, if he is killed, there is no hope.” (Telegram 2321 from USConsul Calcutta)

Telegram from AmConsul Calcutta to Secretary of State:

Foreign Minister Mustaaque planning a trip to Moscow, but would like to visit U.S. First.

August 15: Interview with Aga Hilaly

Statement by senator Edward Kennedy

August 17: Vice Admiral S.M. Ahsan, the governor of East Pakistan until end of February 1971 on current situation:

“Ahsan recommended that special USG representative be sent to talk to Yahya before it is “too late” to explain absolute necessity of finding political solution in East Pakistan, which possible only through rehabilitation and use of Sheikh Mujibur Rahman. Prior to March at least, separation from Pakistan was not Mujib’s intention and hopefully his attitude has not significantly altered.

The source of power and voice of authority in Pakistan is President Yahya. He is first and last authority.

India’s position, has despite public outcry, been reasonably moderate and its hands before the events in March were relatively clean.”

The Washington Special Actions Group Meeting reiterated that ‘The basic (U.S.) policy is to be helpful in maintaining the integrity of Pakistan.’

August 18: Memorandum from the Kissinger to President Nixon:

– In East Pakistan, a serious insurgency movement is now underway in the countryside and is beginning to penetrate the major cities. This has been fed by the Indians in terms of logistics, training and some arms, but basically reflects a strong Bengali will to resist the West Pakistanis. This in turn provokes an army response which stimulates further refugee flow.

– The refugee flow to India continues. This has increased to a rate of some 50,000 per day after a drop in late July. This could be a temporary aberration; it could result from a new increase in violence; or it could reflect hunger in some pockets. Just maintaining the present number of refugees is projected to cost (Indians) $600 million in a year, a figure larger than the net flow of foreign aid from consortium donors.

August 19: Letter from President Nixon to President Yahya:

Both your officials and ours recognize that the most immediate priority is to mount a major effort to avert famine in East Pakistan. This step is fundamental to progress in re-establishing normal conditions. I am confident that you also share our judgment that it would also be helpful in this task for you to continue your efforts to build on the program announced in your June 28 address for enlisting the support of the elected representatives of the East Pakistani people in the urgent work of national reconciliation.

Meeting with President Yahya, M.M. Ahmad and US Ambassador Farland:

“Yahya discussed his plans to associate Bengalis in administration of province by clearing 88 of former Awami League representatives to National Assembly. He said that only some 15 or 16 of the 88 were presently in Dacca and they were being protected by the government since they feared for their lives. The rest of 88 were either in the countryside or in India. He did not know how many of them would come forward to claim their seat.

After some discussion of this point from several angles it was quite clear that President Yahya refused to deal with any group however cleansed under name of Awami League. He said that he was severely criticized in West Pakistan for having cleared as many as 88 of former AL members to take their seats in next assembly if they came forward.”

He further said on trial of Sheikh Mujibur Rahman “you can stops worrying because I am not going to execute the man even though he is a traitor.”

US Embassy’s telegram confirms that The US ambassador pressured Yahya not to execute Sheikh Mujib. Yahya further stated that because the charge carried the possibility of a death sentence, it was his plan that if such the verdict be, a request for mercy would be made in the Sheikh’s behalf, and he, Yahya, would accept the petition.

August 20: War of annihilation – Al Hawadith –Lebanon

The Pakistani officer stood in one of the small villages of East Pakistan. And told the hungry public gathered around him “My men are wounded and I want some blood, I want volunteers.” Before waiting for a reply, the soldiers rushed forward, selected some young men, threw them on the ground and pricked their arteries. Blood began to flow and continued flowing until the young men died.

A meeting in Calcutta with a representative of the “Bangla Desh” Cabinet and a political officer from US consulate:

–”Any” agreement between Mujib and Yahya will be accept­able if arranged through `proper channels’ i.e. US participa­tion in the arrangements, since “Mujib’s life is more impor­tant than independence”.

–Bangla Desh “Foreign Minister” (Kh. Mustaque) Ahmed would like to head a delegation to the US to discuss their problems with US offi­cials, although they understand they could not be received “officially.”

–There is a split within the Bangla Desh movement between the “rightists” who are in control but want to save them­selves and Mujib through a compromise settlement and “left­wing elements” who will quickly take over if Mujib dies.”

Qaiyum reveals intel on Bangla Desh contacts with India:

“Qaiyum said early August BD Cabinet meetings with GOI offi­cials in New Delhi were mainly concerned with Mukti Bahini (MB) prob­lems. GOI has now agreed MB may purchase arms from abroad and bring them into India. Only foreign arms received to date (other than those taken from Indian army inventory) was consignment of Yugo­slav weapons channeled to MB through GOI. GOI also agreed greatly to step up MB training. In addition to training now given at youth camps and MB centers, Indian army agreed provide additional training for 14,000 men from the western zone and 10,000 from the eastern side of East Bengal each month. From 24,000 total, 5,000 re­cruits monthly will be selected for additional 4 weeks advanced training. Qaiyum said recently India has increased supply of arms for MB. GOI also now manufacturing ammunition for Chinese weapons taken from East Pakistan.

Qaiyum said that he and majority of his colleagues are anti­communists and “rightists.” They want ‘to save themselves,’ and only way they can envisage doing this is to work out compromise in near future.”

August 24: Amembassy, Islamabad reports to U.S. Secretary of State on contacts With Bangladesh Representatives – President Yahya’s reaction :

‘I asked Yahya if he saw any major obstacle to a select group of GOP members,
unpublicized and on neutral ground in a foreign country with a few of the key
people for whom Qaiyum indicated he spoke…. Yahya replied he would favour
such a development wholeheartedly, asking that in case such a contingency
developed, I keep closely in touch with him on this matter generally.

Telegram from Amconsul, Karachi to Secretary of State on Political coordination:

“General mood in Karachi is essentially one of xenophobic defiant support of government and its policies as necessary to preserve integrity of Pakistan. Dominant political figure, Z.A. Bhutto, while not basing complaints on regional bias, has made it quite clear that he believes that military is arbitrarily retaining power, dragging its feet in turning over power to elected representatives of people, and in general mismanaging country. Press has almost uniformly endorsed all policies of MLA whether support given in order to remain in print or out of true conviction.

MLA, as well as President, continue to hold considerable public support. Their position has been helped by relative prosperity of this area. To most people, MLA is still considered saviour and preserver of national unity and any criticisms or complaints levelled tend to be directed against “civilian bureaucrats”. On practical level, few see any workable alternative to military rule.

After India, Sheikh Mujib Rahman and his Awami League rank second in order of disapproval. To most the Sheikh is treacherous collaborator of India. To more generous, he willing dupe to wiles and anti-state plots of Indians and anti-state miscreants. Clearance of former Awami Leaguers MNA’s is acknowledged by most as not overly pleasant necessity and sign of magnanimity by MLA. Jamaat-i-Islam leaders have openly criticized MLA for recognizing traitors.

Small Bengali community in Karachi is generally silent. In security of discussions with foreigners, they express their resentment over government’s decision of putting the sole blame for the problems of day on Bengalis while ignoring the irresponsible action of Bhutto.”

August 25: Secret Telegram from State Department to Amconsul, Calcutta:

“We will welcome continuing analysis and comments : ( a ) possibilities for negotiation between BD reps and GOP, (b) dynamics of possibly troublesome division within BD movement (including Mukti Bahini) over Quote independence vs accommodation UNQUOTE……”

August 28: Secret Telegram from Amconsul Calcutta to Secretary of State:

At meeting with Qaiyum August 27 he showed us note from Bangladesh Fonmin urging Qaiyum to expedite his efforts. According Qaiyum, (US) Congen is ‘only pipeline’ for BD negotiation ef­fort.

Qaiyum said Mukti Bahini guerrilla activity will be greatly stepped up during next month. He said very large number (15,000, he claimed) guerrillas sent into East Bengal August 10-15. The GOP announcement ‘clearing’ 88 MNA’s has caused difficulty for those cleared, who now vulner­able to charge of collaborating. Many of ‘cleared’ MNA’s are making effort to show loyalty to Awami League by making special trip to Calcutta from East Bengal to pledge allegiance, by joining Mukti Bahini.

He said special efforts were being made to disrupt maritime traffic to and from East Bengal, and added that effort would be made to destroy Pakistan ship ‘Padma’ currently enroute to Karachi from US carrying consignment of military equipment.”

August 30: Conversation with retired Maj. – Gen Jilani, NAP ( R ):

Although the NAP (R) had disagreed with the Foreign Trade position in Mujib’s Six Points, surely acceptance of those six points, or whatever, would have been better than the situation that has resulted in East Pakistan.

Some East Pakistan Observations: A trip report by FSO H. Batjer:

“The general atmosphere in East Pakistan is one of sustained anxiety, uncertainty and in some cases real fear. Perhaps the most disturbing element in the East Pakistan situation is the public’s total lack of confidence in the future. Personal security and general well being are nonexistent for most people whether they support the idea of a united Pakistan or Bangla Desh. Without reason, citizens are killed, maimed and/or deprived of family and possessions.

The Mukti Bahini seeks refuge and food from the sympathetic local Bengalis, but their lives are endangered should the local Peace Committee and/or Army collaborators learn of their support.”

July 1971

July 1: Letter From President Nixon to Indian Prime Minister Gandhi:

“With regard to the need for actions which will make possible a reversal of the refugee flow, we have continued to emphasize that a return to peace and security in East Pakistan and a viable political settlement are crucial to restoration of a more stable situation in South Asia. Dr. Kissinger will also be talking to President Yahya about this subject and will be delivering a personal message from me.”

Letter From President Nixon to Pakistani President Yahya:

“It remains our earnest hope that you and your government will succeed in your efforts to enable these refugees to return to their homes. For our part, we continue to urge the Government of India to exercise restraint, as we have in our discussions with you.”

July 2: Intelligence report on the talks between Indian foreign minister Swaran Singh and Russian …chairman Kosygin:

“According to [name not declassified], Kosygin pledged support for the Indian guerrilla army operating in East Bengal, and, upon receipt of a formal request from India, the Soviets promised a guarantee of military protection to enable India to resist pressure from Communist China. Soviet policy makers, in [name not declassified] view, assume a divided Pakistan is no longer politically viable, and that an independent East Bengal is inevitable. “

East Pakistan or Bangladesh : some observation:

“Events during the past three months in East Pakistan have touched all levels of East Pakistani society. The resulting bitterness of most Bengalis against West Pakistan, the Army and “Bihari” immigrants is scarcely veiled, runs very deep, and, in the reporting officer’s view, is irreconcilable. Any political “settlement”, short of rehabilitation of Sheikh Mujibur Rahman and formation of provincial governments with broad autonomous powers analagous to the Six Point formula under his leadership, will not bridge the hostility which has surfaced as a result of the series of events in East Pakistan.”

Interview of Tajuddin in All India Radio

Bengal Rebel Send UN evidence on terror attack on Dacca.

Rebel Bengali leaders (3 Awami League leaders) meet with Indira Gandhi.

July 6: The Consulate General in Dacca reported that there was a serious threat of famine in East Pakistan, and that prospects for averting widespread hunger were not good.

Bhutto’s reaction to Yahya’s 28 June speech:

“Calling President Yahya’s June 28 speech a “complete fraud” Bhutto revealed he intensely angered and embarrassed by it. Said he had been assured by President only weeks before that speech would define in quite precise terms program for holding elections and transferring large measure of political power to elected representatives of people near future.

Also, speech carried President even further away from any possible reconciliation with Awami League.

Failure to reach an accommodation with Mujib and Awami League could only have “disastrous” consequences for country since elections evidenced Mujib and his party have overwhelming support in East Pakistan. Bhutto spoke a good deal about Mujib, suggesting that his and Mujib’s relations had been close, that their differences had been minor and could have been easily resolved had it not been for actions of MLA (Martial Law Administrator) which set Bhutto and Mujib at odds.”

July 7: Meeting with Kissinger and Indira Gandhi:

“She said that she does not wish to use force and that she is willing to accept any suggestions that the US may have. She told Dr. Kissinger how serious the situation was and said that India is not wedded to any particular political solution in East Pakistan. She also volunteered that India is not preventing the (6.8 million) refugees from returning to East Pakistan, as the Pakistanis have charged.

Dr. Kissinger asked whether the settlement in East Pakistan must include Awami League leader Mujibur Rahman. The Prime Minister said the settlement must be between East Pakistan and West Pakistan. This is not an Indo-Pakistani problem. India would not have been involved except for the refugees.”

Kissinger in Delhi with Indian Foreign Minister Singh:

Henry Kissinger’s conversations with Defense Minister Jagjivan Ram:

Ram assessed the Chinese military threat to India. Kissinger observed that China might intervene on behalf of Pakistan if there was a war between India and Pakistan. Kissinger assured Ram that the United States would take a grave view of any Chinese move against India.

kissinger_hilaly.jpg

Ambasssador Agha Hilaly receives Henry Kissinger at Chaklala Airport on 8 July 1971. Also in the picture Joseph Farland the US Ambassador to Pakistan and Sultan M Khan the Foreign Secretary of Pakistan.

(Image credit: Doc Kazi from Flickr)

July 8: Kissinger’s conversation with Pakistan’s Foreign Secretary Sultan Khan, Economic Adviser to President Yahya M.M. Ahmed etc. In Rawalpindi (His report):

Kissinger met privately with Yahya on July 8 and apparently did not prepare a full record of that meeting.

In his memoirs, Kissinger summarized his conversation with Yahya as follows: “I had several conversations with President Yahya and Foreign Secretary Sultan Khan. I urged them to put forward a comprehensive proposal to encourage refugees to return home and to deny India a pretext for going to war. I urged Yahya and his associates to go a step further in the internationalization of relief by admitting the United Nations to supervise its distribution. And I recommended the early appointment of a civilian governor for East Pakistan.”

yahyakissinger.jpg

Yahya discussing with Kissinger (Image credit: Doc Kazi from Flickr)

July 9: Nixon was briefed about Russia’s support to India. He writes “”Warn them that if they intervene RN (Richard Nixon) will personally cut off all aid to India.”

July 10: Study prepared in response to NSSM

The developing confrontation between India and Pakistan was one of the subjects discussed by Henry Kissinger and Chinese Premier Chou En-lai during Kissinger’s trip to Peking July 9-11, 1971. Kissinger says:

“We strongly oppose any military action to solve the problems of East Pakistan. And if India takes military action in East Pakistan, we would strongly and publicly disapprove of it.”

July 11: A regime of thugs and bigots: An account by Murray Sayle (Sunday Times, London-July 11, 1971) after spending a week in the areas from which many thousands of refugees fled:

“Some Muslims from their village had come up to see what was going on. The soldiers grabbed four of them and told them to recite something from the Holy Koran.

They said the four Muslims were terrified but managed to begin “Bismillah Irrahman Irrahim……..” (the opening words of the Koran). They said the soldiers shouted “These are not Muslims! They have been taught to say this to trick us!” They then shot all four.

The entire population of the Benapol reception centre was five forlorn dogs.

On the refugees issue, it is clear that only a very brave or very foolish refugee would even try to return as things are, and that his welcome would be very doubtful if he did.”

July 12: Indian Defence Minister Jagjivan Ram’s statement in Indian Parliament:

“The people of Bangla Desh are manfully resisting the efforts of Pakistani Junta to sup­press freedom and democracy. The terror which has been unleashed on Bangla Desh has stirred the conscience of the world. The bravery and heroism of those engaged in this struggle is widely admired and applauded.

A significant percentage of the population of Bangla Desh has been forced out and has sought shelter in India. It is clear that the Pakistan Army is engaged in a ruthless genocide of the people of Bangla Desh and is, in the process, mounting a threat to our economy, our society, and on the basic principles which our Constitution enshrines.”

Conversation between Kissinger and Indian defence minister:

“Dr. Kissinger said that the US is not in favor of secession. We are in favor of a political solution. What we want is a situation that will permit the refugees to return.

The Defense Minister said that he understands the situation in East Bengal. The Punjabis do not regard the Bengalis as of the same stock. The Punjabi rulers have not put faith in the Bengalis.

The Minister continued that Mujibur Rahman never wanted secession. he was a moderating influence.”

On the status of US Military supply to Pakistan

July 14: West Pakistan pursues subjugation of Bengalis (Sydney H. Schanberg In New York Times):

“Army trucks roll through the half-deserted streets of the capital of East Pakis­tan these days, carrying ‘antistate’ prisoners to work-sites for hard labor. Their heads are shaved and they wear no shoes and no clothes except for shorts-all making escape difficult.

Street designations are being changed to remove all Hindu names as well as those of Bengali Moslem nationalists as part of campaign to stamp out Bengali culture.. Shankari Bazar Road in Dacca is now Tikka Khan Road, after the lieutenant general who is the martial-law governor of East Pakistan and whom most Bengalis call ‘the Butcher.’

In addition to the daily troops arrivals, the Government is bringing in wave upon wave of West Pakistanis to replace East Pakistanis in Government jobs. No Bengali is trusted with a responsible or sensitive post ; even the man who cuts the grass at the Dacca airport is a non-Bengali.

Since the offensive began the troops have killed countless thousands of Bengalis -foreign diplomats estimate at least 200,000 to 250,000-many in massacres. Al­though the targets were Bangali Moslems and the 10 million Hindus at first, the army is now concentrating on Hindus in what foreign observers characterise as a holy war.

One missionary said that the army recently killed over 1,000 Hindus in a day in a section of Barisal District, in the south. Another reported that in Sylhet District, in the northeast, a”peace committee ‘, called a meeting of all the residents of one area, ostensibly to work out a re­conciliation. When everyone had gathered troops arrived, picked out the 300 Hindus in the crowd, led them away and shot them.

In the countryside-for miles at a stretch sometimes-villages have been burned to the ground on both sides of the road. In the cities and towns large areas have been reduced to rubble by heavy gunfire.”

July 15: US Acting Secretary John Irwin told the Indian Ambassador to the United States L.K. Jha, that as long as there is guerrilla activity in Bangladesh, Pakistan would not be able to cease fire which would be necessary for returning the millions of refugees. In this reference, he mentioned Indian cross-border help for the guerrillas. He forgets that the guerrilla activity started due to the military genocide.

He says that despite the fact that Awami League swept the elections, accomodation of Awami League should not be a pre-condition. (Interesting notion of democracy)

He also called Bangla Desh’s need for independence a psychological need.

Awami MP’s all out war pledge.

July 16: National Security Council meeting on South Asia:

“Mr. Helms (Director of CIA) noted that the pressures are building in India to go to war. The President (Nixon) said that the situation “smells bad.” The Indians are not to be trusted.”

July 17: Minutes of the meeting of Bangladesh’s exile govt.

July 18: Pakistan plans to try (Sheikh Mujibur) Rahman: Washington Star

July 19: A report of the Canadian parliamentary delegation on July 19 confirms that the number of refugees are from 6.4 million to 6.8 million. They stressed the humanitarian conditions of the refugees and suggested actions.

Statement by the Indian Minister of External Affairs in Rajya Sabha:

“U.S. military equipment still in the pipeline for delivery to Pakistan may be even more than has been publicly admitted by the U.S. Government.”

July 20: Statement of Sardar Swaran Singh, Minister of External Affairs of India in Rajyashava:

“There is a proposal to try Sheikh Mujibur Rahman…Any trial of that nature will be a farce.

When we talked of giving up military means and trying to find a political settlement, which means a settlement acceptable to the people of Bangla Desh, accep­table to the Awami League, and to Sheikh Mujibur Rahman, who is the undisputed leader of the Awami League and the people of Bangla Desh. Any attempt, therefore, to take any action against Sheikh Mujibur Rahman will be follow-up action on the statement that President Yahya Khan made on 28th June, which has paved the way completely for the emergence of an independent Bangla Desh. Any further action of this type will be a mad action, which will result only in making the freedom-fighters more determined in the pursuit and realisation of their objective namely, freedom for Bangla Desh and for the people of Bangla Desh.”

He further adds:

“President Yahya Khan is reported to have said that ‘if India made any attempt to seize any part of East Pakistan’ he will declare war.

We have no desire ‘to seize any part or Pakistan’. President Yahya Khan is either trying to mislead his people and the world at large or preparing them for an aggression against India by making such unwarranted and baseless statements.”

July 22: Bangla Desh prime minister Tajuddin Ahmed said that Gen. Yahya Khan’s blustering talk of “war with India” is an indication of his despair, aimed at deflecting the world’s attention from the liberation movement and crea­ting communal and racial disharmony.

July 23: The US Consulate General in Dacca warned that unless steps were taken to prevent famine in East Pakistan anticipated deaths from mass starvation could approach the catastrophe of the Bengal famine of 1943 in which millions of people died.

Peter R Cann writes in Wall street journal, New York:

He (A doctor) whispers of recent events in this town : the streets littered with bloated and decomposing bodies ; the burning, looting and raping and the continuing terror. “We are afraid to speak the truth. Those who speak the truth are punished, and the only punishment is death.”

Memorandum of conversation among Kissinger, Ambassador Hilaly and Harold Saunders:

After a World Bank team’s visit in Pakistan, One member had said that East Pakistan looked like “Arnheim after the Nazi blitz” and another said that it looked like “a country after a nuclear attack.”

Minutes of senior review group meetings on Yahya:

Yahya says he could get 45 to 60 of Awami League MPs and hold by-elections for the seats of all the others. We could either see him disenfranchise 167 out of 169 Assembly members or ask him to do something he might not be able to do.

July 27: Transcript of telephone conversation between President Nixon and Kissinger:

“As Kissinger says that the Indians might attack Pakistan due to its complete helplessness Nixon asserts: ‘After all they have done we just aren’t going to let that happen.”

Telegram by AM consul, Dacca to AM Embassy Islamabad:

“Local officials being screened in Rangpur. Few refugees returning but probably no significant outflow either. Bengali Bishop strongly condemns US arms aid to Pakistan.

Rangpur Deputy Commissioner (DC) stated that peace committees in his district not very influential and subject to control of civil administration. Role has changed from period during April/May when situation was more unsettled allowing peace committees more power. They make recommendations concerning distribution of abandoned property and compensation to those whose property was destroyed. Both are reviewed by civil administration before implementation. Peace committees not on committee interviewing returnees from India. They have no political function.”

Administrative zones set-up decided by the General Administration Department, Govt. of the Peoples, Republic of Bangladesh.

July 28: “Escape from terror”: a report of the International Rescue Committee’s Emergency Mission to India for Pakistan refugees.

“Preoccupied with the basic needs of refugees, i.e., food, shelter and first-aid, the (Indian) governmental assistance program, though substantial, cannot cope with the multi – faceted organizational and financial needs described in the foregoing pages. Nor can it be expected to take care of relief payments to the substantial number of artists, writers, journalists, scientists and similar categories of refugees who have found asylum in India. They have depended thus far on the help of their Indian colleagues. Some of them face starvation.”

Conversation Among President Nixon, the President’s Assistant for National Security Affairs (Kissinger), and the Ambassador to Pakistan (Farland), Washington:

“Yahya told me that they had pinpointed 29 camps within India where guerrillas were being trained. Now I hate to tell you this, Mr. President, but the guerrilla threat is growing by leaps and bounds. They’re averaging 18 Pakistanis a day now; they are averaging two bridges a day. Killing that many.”

Statement by Senator J. W. Fulbright in the U. S. Senate:

“The situation in East Pakistan is intolerable, as is a foreign policy which in practice reinforces the status quo there. The United States should instead use all the influence, limited though it may be, which it can bring to bear. In this connection, steps should be taken to insure that military goods, including spare parts, are not shipped to Pakistan and the offer of F-104’s B-57’s patrol aircraft, and armoured personnel carriers made last fall should be immediately resigned Economic assistance should be suspended until the Pakistanis, both East and West, agree upon a satisfactory political solution and until steps are taken to repatriate the refugees now in India.”

July 29: Bhasani: Soverign Bangladesh is the aim

Memorandum for Mr. Henry A. Kissinger from Theodore Eliot on India/Pakistan

“A July 23 press report, quoting the West Bengal Health Services Di­rector, warned that 300,000 refugee children were on the verge of death from starvation.”

July 30: Minutes of Senior Review Group meeting on South Asia:

Kissinger: Over any two or three year period, 75,000 Punjabi cannot govern 75 million Bengalis.

Memorandum of conversation among Farland, Kissinger and Saunders: Ambassador Farland agreed that the possibility of war is imminent.

July 31: Bangla Desh Foreign Minister Khandaker Moshtaque Ahmed warns:

Attempts to make “Bangla Desh” an India-Pakistan issue is a “wrong attitude and cannot bring peace in this part of the world”.

June 1971

June 3: US ambassador to India, Keating suggested Kissinger that military assistance to Pakistan was out of the question since they were still killing in East Pakistan and when refugees were still pouring into India. Kissinger informed him that the President would uphold the “One Time Exception” of arms sales to Pakistan.

June 4: Conversation between Nixon and Kissinger:

Nixon: Look, even apart from the Chinese thing, I wouldn’t do that to help the Indians, the Indians are no goddamn good. Now Keating, like every Ambassador who goes over there, goes over there and gets sucked in. He now thinks the—
Kissinger: Those sons-of-bitches, who never have lifted a finger for us, why should we get involved in the morass of East Pakistan? All the more so, I quite agree with the point, if East Pakistan becomes independent, it is going to become a cesspool. It’s going be 100 million people, they have the lowest standard of living in Asia—
Nixon: Yeah.
Kissinger: No resources. They’re going to become a ripe field for Communist infiltration. And then they’re going to bring pressure on India because of West Bengal. So that the Indians in their usual idiotic way are playing for little stakes, unless they have in the back of their minds that they could turn East Pakistan into a sort of protectorate that they could control from Calcutta. That they may have in the back of their mind.”

June 11: Lunch Conversation Between Indian Ambassador Jha and Mr. Kissinger -The purpose of the conversation was to prepare for the meeting of Foreign Minister Singh and also to prevent Indian military action against Pakistan while the Chinese channel was being maintained.

Telegram from the embassy in India to the Department of State:

The number of refugees is now 5.4 million and that rate of flow is increasing. This should be evidence enough that no matter what noises President Yahya may make about restoration of normalcy, he has not yet done anything to effectively impede reign of terror and brutality of Pakistan army, the root cause of the refugee exodus. I most strongly recommend that the time is overdue for us to utilize all leverage available to pressure the GOP into halting without further delay the terror and repression by the army in the east wing.

Rally in New York in support for the cause of Bangladesh.

June 13: Genocide in Bangladesh: – Anthony Mascarenhas, former Assistant Editor, Morning News, Karachi (published in Sunday Times, London):

He was 24 years old, a slight man surrounded by soldiers. He was trembling, because he was about to be shot.

“Normally we would have killed him as he ran,” I was informed chattily by Major Rathore, the G-2 Ops. of the 9th Division, as we stood on the out­skirts of a tiny village near Mudafarganj, about 20 miles south of Comilla. “But we are checking him out for your sake. You are new here and I see you have a squeamish stomach.”

“Why kill him?” I asked with mounting concern.

“Because he might be a Hindu or he might be a rebel, perhaps a student or an Awami Leaguer. They know we are sorting them out and they betray themselves by running.”

“But why are you killing them? And why pick on the Hindus?” I persisted.

“Must I remind you,” Rathore said severely, “how they have tried to des­troy Pakistan? Now under the cover of the fighting we have an excellent oppor­tunity of finishing them off.”

“Of course,” he added hastily, “we are only killing the Hindu men. We are soldiers, not cowards like the rebels. They kill our women and children.”

The pogrom’s victims are not only the Hindus of East Bengal-who constitute about 10 per cent of the 75 million population-but also many thousands of Bengali Muslims.”

Tajuddin’s appeal for aid, recognition.

Tajuddin’s appeal to the world for Sheikh Mujib’s safety.

June 15: Conversation Among President Nixon, the President’s Assistant for National Security Affairs (Kissinger), and the Ambassador to India:

“In the context of briefing Nixon in advance of his meeting with the Indian Foreign Minister, Keating painted a grim picture of the situation in East Pakistan. He suggested that Nixon could put pressure on Pakistan to stop what he described as genocide in East Pakistan by withholding economic assistance. Keating pointed to the flood of five million refugees into India and said that the problem was growing at a rate of 150,000 a day. The strain on India was tremendous, and Keating said that the situation was further inflamed by what he described as a deliberate policy by Pakistan to drive out or kill the Hindus in East Pakistan. His assessment of the Indian response to the problem was that India wanted the killing stopped and a climate created in East Pakistan which would allow the refugees to return to their homes. In his view, India had adopted a moderate position and was seeking a political solution to the building crisis. Keating did not believe a political settlement would emerge until Yahya Kahn’s government was prepared to deal with the Awami League leaders who had been outlawed.” (Summary)

June 16: President Nixon met at the White House with Indian Foreign Minister Swaran Singh. Ambassadors Jha and Keating were also present, as were Henry Kissinger and Joseph Sisco. Nixon suggested quiet diplomacy by offering aid for the refugee instead of putting pressure on Yahya (Details).

June 18: Letter from Pakistani President Yahya to President Nixon:

“It is most unfortunate that this humanitarian question should be cynically turned into political propaganda by India, and that the Indian Government should use the problem of the displaced persons, as an instrument of pressure on Pakistan to impose a political government of Indian choice in East Pakistan. No government could yield to such blackmail.”

World Bank report after a visit by a delegation to East Pakistan:

The situation is far from normal. The general sense of fear and lack of confidence on the part of most of the population.

Tajuddin on political solution of the crisis.

June 19: Protests in Hyde Park London against Pakistani atrocities.

June 22: Telegram from the Department of State to the embassy in Pakistan:

“We have received through international air mail a letter mailed from Berlin without return address which purported to ask for recognition of the ‘People’s Republic of Bangladesh’. It would be inappropriate for us to take any action with respect to it since we consider the territory of East Pakistan to be part of the State of Pakistan.”

June 23: Acting President Syed Nazrul Islam to US- don’t contribute to genocide.

June 25: Memorandum from the President’s Deputy Special Assistant for National Security Affairs (Haig) to President Nixon:

“On June 22 The New York Times reported that two Pakistani freighters were preparing to sail from New York with cargos of military equipment for Pakistan. Ambassador Jha called on Under Secretary Irwin on the same day to warn that if the report were true, the shipment of arms to Pakistan would have an unfortunate impact upon relations between the United States and India.”

June 26: East Pakistan Refugees: Discussions with Sadruddin of UNHCR who had pro Pakistan views.

June 28: Letter from Pakistani President Yahya to US President Nixon: Yahya was troubled by media reports of Western governments (like UK) enforcing aid embargo on Pakistan to pressure a political settlement. All these developments have led to a strong and widespread public reaction in Pakistan.

He requested Nixon to “prevent the present ambiguity and misunderstanding from becoming a source of further strains in Pakistan’s relations with the Western world.”

Yahya’s public address to the nation:

Pakistan’s new political leaders would not include any representatives of the outlawed Awami League of East Pakistan under that party label. While reiterating the illegal status of the League, Yahya announced that Awami League members-elect of the national and provincial assemblies who had not disqualified themselves by secessionist activities would be eligible to participate in those bodies. Those Awami Leaguers who had disqualified themselves would be replaced through by-elections to take place this fall.

Banning Awami League made political accommodation impossible. The disqualification of many of the 440 Awami League members-elect and its probable unacceptability to most of the others means that most of those seats would have to be filled through by-elections in East Pakistan.

US president Nixon refused a proposal for arms embargo on Pakistan.

Telegram from the embassy in Pakistan to the US Department of State regarding the subject of East Pakistan Refugees: Special Assistant Kellogg’s Discussion with Pres. Yahya:

“Yahya launched into bitter attack on PM Gandhi and her government. He referred to statements in which Mrs. Gandhi reported to have said that refugees can’t go back. ‘Indian Government says they won’t let them go back.’ Some of the few refugees who have trickled back, he said, show wounds and say they were beaten up on main roads in India leading back to Pakistan. Kellogg interjected that none of Indian officials with whom he had spoken had indicated anything other than that India wanted refugees to return to East Pakistan as soon as possible. Kellogg noted enormous economic, religious, political and social pressures on India resulting from refugee influx, and GOI estimated that $400 million would be required to care for refugees over six-month period.

Kellogg repeated that none of Indian officials with whom he had spoken had said they wanted refugees to remain; nor had any referred to desire to see independent East Pakistan; “Bangla Desh” was never once mentioned to him. Meanwhile, if persons were continuing to leave East Pakistan and not returning in any appreciable numbers, Kellogg said, it would appear that they continued to be motivated by fear which caused them to flee in first place.”

June 29: US Dept. of State Report: Scenario for action in Indo-Pakistan crisis (pdf file)

Telephone conversation between the President’s Assistant for National Security
Affairs (Kissinger) and the Assistant Secretary of State for Near Eastern and South
Asian Affairs (Sisco).

Bhasani – No compromise with Yahya on independence.

Bangladesh Home Minsiter’s reaction on Yahya’s plans for holding by-election.

June 30: Acting President Syed Nazrul Islam’s address – Yahya will get a reply on the battlefield.

May 1971

May 3: Letter of the Central Committee of the Communist Party of East Pakistan (Bangla Desh) on the situation in Bangladesh:

“A just struggle:

(i) The present struggle of the people of Bangla Desh is the culmination of their struggle for democracy and autonomy which they were conducting since 1948 against the reactionary ruling classes which had ruthlessly suppressed democracy and national rights of the various nationalities.

(ii) The people of Bangla Desh and their leaders had never wanted the secession of East Pakistan. But they had always tried to establish their democratic and national rights through democratic struggles and through the election held in 1970. Even after a sweeping victory in the election and securing an absolute majority in the National Assembly, the Awami League and its Chief Sheikh Mujibur Rahman had wanted nothing more than a constitution based on the six-point programme. Sheikh Mujib had also repeatedly tried to come to a political settlement with the ruling military junta.

(iii) But it was the ruling military junta, which had earlier held the election but had ultimately refused to transfer power to the elected representatives of the people, that launched a treacherous armed attack against the people. In fact, the military junta had no intention of transferring power. The Yahya-Mujib talks, etc., were nothing but ruse by the junta to gain time for preparation of the armed attack.

It was only after this armed attack by the ruling military junta that the popular struggle for democracy and autonomy had turned into an armed battle for the liberation of our motherland.

(iv) This liberation battle is fundamentally a battle for the just right of self-determina­tion of the 75-million Bengalis waged against the reactionary ruling classes composed of the monopolists and feudalists who are backed and armed by the imperialists, especially the U.S. imperialists.

(v) In no case it is a struggle against the people of West Pakistan. Rather this liberation struggle of Bangla Desh against the reactionary ruling classes which are also suppressing and oppressing the people of West Pakistan will help their struggle for democracy and autonomy.

(vi) The liberation struggle is being carried on by the Mukti Fouz (Liberation Army) and the people of Bangla Desh. Therefore, the propaganda by the ruling military junta of Pakistan that it is an ” India-inspired struggle “, ” by Indian armed intruders ” and that ” India is interfering in the internal affairs of Pakistan “, etc., is nothing but a canard. Similarly, the propaganda by some pro-Peking groups that this liberation struggle is inspired by the imperialists is a dire falsehood.

Judging all the above facts, all democrats of the world should be fully convinced that the present struggle for the liberation of our motherland is a just struggle against native and foreign reactionaries who are enemies of humanity and peace. The defeat of these reactionaries in Bangla Desh will strengthen the forces of democracy and peace in the South-east Asia region.”

May 4: Telegram from the Embassy in India to the Department of State on the subject of alleged Indian support to Freedom Fighters and other observations:

“Foreign Secretary Kaul referred me to the reports of Frank Moraes in the Indian Express as well as to those of British and American journalists regarding the organization and training of the liberation forces inside East Pakistan. Kaul said the refugees were in no state to fight. They were hungry, sick and at times almost naked.”

May 5: Memorandum from The Acting Secretary to Christopher Van Hollen:

“In the last ten days we have received through clandestine reports and journalists’ accounts increasing evidence of Indian involvement with the Bengali separatists and of India’s own contingency planning in the event of war. The Indian Government has reinforced Border Security Force units and has moved regular Indian Army units to within three kilometers of the border. The BSF has established camps at which 2,000 Bengalis are reportedly receiving training in guerilla and sabotage tactics. Limited quantities of arms and ammunition have been provided to the Bengali separatists and some Indian forces have infiltrated into East Bengal to provide assistance and training to the separatists.”

May 7: Letter From President Nixon to Pakistani President Yahya expressing concern but using soft tone.

May 10: A conversation among economic advisor to President Yahya Khan (M.M. Ahmed), Assistant to the President (Kissinger), Ambassador of Pakistan(Agha Hilaly), NSC staff (Harold H. Saunders).

nixon_hilaly_kissinger.jpg
Nixon and Kissinger confer with Ambassador Hilaly

(Image credit: Doc Kazi from Flickr)

Nixon declared to a Pakistani delegation that “Yahya is a good friend.” Rather than express concern over the ongoing brutal military repression, Nixon explained that he “understands the anguish of the decisions which [Yahya] had to make.” He said that the US is not going to become involved.

May 13: The Indian Government requested that the United States make available four C-130 transport aircraft and the crews to fly them to help ferry refugees from East Pakistan from the over-burdened state of Tripura to Assam (Telegram 7325 from New Delhi)

Letter from Indian Prime Minister Gandhi to President Nixon:

“Until the 12th May, 1971, the number of fugitives who were registered on their crossing the border into India was 2,328,507. We believe that there is a fair number who have avoided registration. Refugees still continue to pour in at the rate of about fifty thousand a day. We are doing our utmost to look after them. But there is a limit to our capacity and resources. Apparently, Pakistan is trying to solve its internal problems by cutting down the size of its population in East Bengal and changing its communal composition through an organised and selective programme of eviction; but it is India that has to take the brunt of this.

It is our earnest hope that the Government of the United States of America will impress upon the rulers of Pakistan that they owe a duty towards their own citizens whom they have treated so callously and forced to seek refuge in a foreign country.”

May 14: The Embassy in Islamabad warned that Pakistan would react unfavorably to a United States decision to participate in an airlift of East Pakistani refugees.

(The Department of State announced on June 12 that the United States would participate in the airlift. The airlift exercise, which was code-named Bonny Jack, was terminated on July 14. source)

May 17: Memorandum to Henry A. Kissinger about halting military assistance to Pakistan. Kissinger responded with a handwritten comment in the margin that reads: “Al-See me. The end result of this will be to terminate the relationship.”

May 18: A research study on Pakistan by Bureau of Intelligence and Research.

May 20: Interview with Bangladesh home Minister A.H.M. Kamaruzzaman.

May 21: Dr. Kissinger told Indian Ambassador Jha “you can’t go to war over refugees.”

refugee-camp.jpg

(Image credit: UNHCR)

May 23: President Yahya said that he tended to disagree with GOI’s current estimate that there were now over two and one-half million East Pakistani refugees in India, but that the GOP was aware of the fact that a substantial number of people had crossed the border and that the problem was both real and substantial.

indira-gandhi.jpg
Mrs. Indira Gandhi, premier of India, with her popularity again elected as Prime Minister in March, 1971

(Image credit: Kana_ratnam from Flickr)

May 24: Indira Gandhi’s statement in Lok Sabha on the situation in Bangla Desh:

“It is mis­chievous to suggest that India has had anything to do with what happened in Bangla Desh. This is an insult to the aspirations and spontaneous sacrifices of the people of Bangla Desh, and a calculated attempt by the rulers of Pakistan to make India a scapegoat for their own misdeeds. It is also a crude attempt to deceive the world community. The world press has seen through Pakistan’s decep­tion. The majority of these so-called Indian infiltrators are women, children and the aged.

We are proud of our tradition of tolerance. Our nation, our people are dedicated to peace and are not given to talking in terms of war or threat of war.

We are convinced that there can be no military solution to the problem of East Bengal. A political solution must be brought about by those who have the power to do so.”

Letter from President Yahya to President Nixon:

“The secessionist elements in East Pakistan were encouraged and assisted by India. The Indian Parliament, in an unprecedented move, officially extended sympathy and support to these elements. The question of “recognising” the rebellious movement has also been under consideration of the Indian Government. Infiltrators and saboteurs from across the border have violated our territory and indulged in activities to dislocate and destroy East Pakistan’s economic and industrial life, including the vital communications system.

It is most unfortunate that due to disturbed conditions and for other reasons, a large number of people left their homes in East Pakistan and crossed into India. I have, therefore, in a public statement urged the law abiding citizens of East Pakistan who were compelled to migrate, to return to their homes and resume their normal duties. I am afraid, however, that I cannot extend a welcome to those persons who committed murders, indulged in rape and arson, destroyed private and public properties and looted Government treasuries and food stores. No Government can condone such crimes against the people and the State.”

May 25: 50KW Swadhin Bangla Betar Kendro (Independent Bangladesh radio) opened in Baliganj, Kolkata by Bangla Desh PM Tajuddin

May 26: The State Department gave a memorandum to President Nixon expressing fears of an imminent Indo-Pak war. The memorandum noted 3 points that would be the cause of the war.

1. Continued military repression in the East (Bangladesh), economic dislocation and lack of political accomodation in East Pakistan (Bangladesh)

2. The very heavy flow of refugees to India (over three million according to the Indians) which is imposing a great burden to India.

3. And the Indian cross-border support to Bengali guerrillas (Mukti Bahinis).

India Government decision on Pakistan crisis:

The following decisions were made:
a. Defer recognition of Bangla Dash for the immediate future.
b. Maintain constant military readiness.
c. Take every diplomatic step to force the major powers to take action to force the GOP to atop the refugee flow and to repatriate those who have crossed into India, including hints that Mia might bke unilateral military action.
d. Seek financial aid from all sources to temporarily support the refugees.
They also decided to release off-the-record press comments that India is reaching the point where some sort of action, possibly military, was possible if there is not immediate relief for the refugee problem.”

Conversation between Nixon and Kissinger:

Nixon: But we don’t say anything against Yahya?
Kissinger: No, no. You just say you hope the refugees will soon be able to go back to East Pakistan. He will then reply to you that’s exactly what he wants.
I’ve got it all arranged with the—
Nixon: Good. Go ahead.
Kissinger: —Embassy. Then you can take credit. You can tell the Indians to pipe down—
Nixon: Yeah.
Kissinger: And we’ll keep Yahya happy.
Nixon: The Indians need—what they need really is a—
Kissinger: They’re such bastards.
Nixon: A mass famine. But they aren’t going to get that. We’re going to feed them—a new kind of wheat. But if they’re not going to have a famine the last thing they need is another war. Let the goddamn Indians fight a war [unclear].

May 27: The East Bengal tragedy: (THE GUARDIAN, London)

The total picture of what has been happening in East Bengal is clear to us without any shadow of doubt. There are scores of survivors of firing-squad line-ups. Hundreds of wit­nesses to the machine-gunning of political leaders, prefessors, doctors, teachers and students. Villages have been surrounded, at any time of day or night, and the frigh­tened villagers have fled where they could, or been slaughtered where they have been found. or enticed out to the fields and mown down in heaps. Women have been raped, girls carried off to barracks, unarmed peasants battered or bayoneted by the thousands.

The pattern, after seven weeks, is still the same. Even the least credible stories, of babies thrown up to be caught on bayonets, of women stripped and bayoneted vertically, or of children sliced up like meat, are credible not only because they are told by so many people, but because they are told by people without sufficient sophistication to make up such stories for political motives. We saw the amputation of a mother’s arm and a child’s foot. These were too far from the border, and gangrene developed from their bullet-wounds. Many saw their daughters raped and the heads of their children smashed in. Some watched their husbands, sons, and grandsons tied up at the wrists and shot in more selective male elimination.

About 400 were killed at Chaudanga while on their way to India, surroun­ded and massacred. Why? Lest they take tales to India? Or because choosing a certain democratic system under Sheikh Mujib means forfeiting the right to live in any country?”

May 28: Letter from President Nixon to Pakistani President Yahya talks about humanitarian aids not about the Pak atrocities.

May 29: Interview with PM Tajuddin Ahmed

May 30: Bangladesh Home Minister reacts on President Yahya’s speech