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Jamat-e-Islami

This page is dedicated to Prof Humayun Azad: academic, critic, linguist and poet, for his commitment to the demystification of the so-called Islamic politics of Jamat-e-Islami and like-minded extreme jihadi outfits (who are often ex-members of Jamat-e-Islami or its student organization Bangladesh Islami Chhatra Shibir.

Blast at a Bangla New Year’s Fair in Dhaka in 2001

Blast at a Bangla New Year’s Fair in Dhaka in 2001. Screenshot from video

The onslaught on secular Intellectuals during 2001-04 (click here for 1971)

Principal Gopal K Muhuri: 2001 Journalist Manik Saha Prof Azad: 27 Feb 04

Stats of bombings carried out by the Jamati/Jihadi terrorists

Date Location District Target Weapons used No of deaths No of injuries Updates
9 Sep 04 Chittagong Chittagong public-bomb scare bomb found in a bin on the street 1
9 Sep 04 Noapara public 4 bombs 800gm explosive material 3 arrested
9 Sep 04 Tekerhat public 5 kilos of materials 2 arrested
9 Sep 04 Faridpur Faridpur bomb scare 3 bombs, 3 round SLR bullets, explosive materials 13
9 Sep 04 Madaripur Madaripur Planned bomb scare 26,000 chocolate bombs captured
Sylhet exploded in the Jihadists’  house A shell of anti-aircraft gun (army issue) exploded 5
21 Aug 04 Rally against terrorism in front of AL office Dhaka Sheikh Hasina & key AL leaders Grenade & gunshot 19 300 A Hindu cyber cafe owner Partha Saha is arrested and maimed by police torture in custody. Govt is trying to implicate  Al and India
Shrine of Shah Jalal Sylhet Mayor Bomb
21 May 04 Shrine of Shah Jalal Sylhet The British High Commissioner Grenade 03 50 No progress
21 Feb 04 Fulbaria Mymensingh Rally on Language Movement day Bomb recovered from a water tank No progress
28 Jan 04 Winter fair, Golakandail, Rupgonj Narayangonj Visitors of centuries-old traditional winter fair bomb 02 20
12 Jan 04 Shrine of Shah Jalal Sylhet Religious congregation bomb 05 50
13 Feb 03 Islami Militants Camp (Jamaatul Mujahidin) at Chhoto Gurgola Dinajpur Documents revealed that terrorists were planning to bomb an open-air concert at Dinajpur Stadium and Festival of Painting Hena / Mehendi in hands. bombs exploded in the house of the jihadist 15 Accused were released by Court due to lack of evidence
17 Jan 03 Shrine of Pagla Pir at Shakhipur Tangail Village carnival bomb 07 20 No progress
6 Dec 02  Four Cinema Halls Mymensing Viewers Time bomb 27 300 No progress.
28 Sep 02 Gurpukurer Mela and Cinema Hall Satkhira Visitors of a folk festival a bomb went off at the fair. Another bomb was recovered from the cinema hall on the same day. 04 No progress.
26 Sep 01 Awami League public meeting Sunamgonj Supporters of a secular political party bomb 04 No progress.
23 Sep 01  Awami League rally   08 Bagerhat Election Campaign rally of a secular political party No progress.
16 June 01 District Awami League office Narayanganj Office of a Secular Political party a powerful bomb was detonated Police said the allegation against accused could not be proved. 22 50 A new case was filed accusing a number of AL activist
3 June 01 Church at Baniarchar Gopalgonj Christian community Time Bomb 10 25 No progress
14 Apr 01 Ramna Park, Dhaka Dhaka Dhaka People celebrating Bangla new years remote-controlled bombs were detonated 11 22 No progress
20 Jan 01 CPB Conference,
Paltan Ground
Dhaka Rally of Communist Party of Bangladesh Explosive implement underneath the earth 07 50 No progress
20 July 00 Kotalipara, Helipad Gopalgonj Attempt to assassinate the then Prime minister, Sheikh Hasina Two heavy bombs were planted at the helipad No progress
8 Oct 99 Ahmadiyya Mosque Khulna Prayer Center of Ahmadiyya sect. 08  No progress
6 Mar 99 Udichi Central conference   10 100 Jessore Cultural conference explosive implement
underneath the earth
10 100 Charge sheet submitted but the process was negated by the government allowing the accused to go free.

List of secular Bangalees killed by Jamati/Jihadi terrorists

Name Profile Location
Dr Yunus Prof of Economics, Rajshahi University, Vice President, Bangladesh Economists’ Society Rajshahi University campus
Dipankar Chakraborty Journalist, executive editor, Durjoy Bangla Bogra
Humayun Kabir Balu Chair Khulna Press Club and Editor The Janma Bhumi Khulna
Ahsanullah Master Member of Parliament, Awami League Gazipur
Manik Saha Journalist Khulna
Prof Humayun Azad Prof of Bangla literature, Dhaka University (attacked in Dhaka university campus but later died in Germany) Dhaka University campus
Manjurul Imam Lawyer
Bijan Bihari Lawyer
Sajjad Hossain Lawyer Chuadanga, Uthli
Kamrul Islam Kutu Opposition politician AL Ward 29 Khulna
Syed Faruq Ahmed News editor, Weekly Pubali Shrimangal
Harun-or-Rashid Senior Crime Reporter, Daily Purbanchol Khulna
Ahsan Ali Journalist, Daily Jugantor, Rupganj correspondent Gandhabpur,
Manjur Morhsed Labu General secretary, AL Khulna City-ward-19 Khulna
Wahab Ali Joardar Chair AYL, Atlia UP, Khulna Sadar Khulna
Chan Miyan Sikder Opposition politician
Alimuz Zaman Opposition politician Bagherhat
Bhupal Barma Opposition politician Chitalmari
SK Mukherjee Physician and organizer of the liberation war
Ataur Rahman Shanti Teacher and opposition politician Kotchandpur
Ahmed Ali Opposition politician Gangnei Upazilla Meherpur
Ibrahim Sardar Opposition politician Noapara municipality
Ali Hossain Opposition politician Chuadanga
Mashiur Rahman Bipu Opposition politician
Fazlur Rahman Opposition politician Sharsha, Jessore
Jamat-e-Islam: The Hard Facts

Jamat doesn’t preach Mohammedan Islam, it preaches Maududi version of Islam which is a combination of aggressive tribal values coated with quasi egalitarianism and Leninist party line combat tactics. Maududi was an installed and patronized by British imperialism and Jamat was originally created by CIA and trained by ISI to fight the communists so as to preclude the emergence of another socialist region comprising Nepal, Bangladesh, Tripura and West Bengal. Jamat emerged out of the researches carried out by various Orientalist institutions in UK, France and Germany and recommended, most likely, by TE Lawrence as an effective subversive method against the advancement of India.

Jamat-e-Islam as a political party did not grow from the grass-root level. It never had more than .2% representation in the parliament. The reason it became such a powerful fascist organization is it is installed by the British imperialists and then pampered by the neo-imperialists (US). The same imperialist strategy underlies the creation of HAMAS in Palestine and Jamat-e-Islami in Bangladesh. Jamat-e-Islam always pursued British agendas in British India and they presently pursue US interest in Bangladesh. Jamat-e-Islami never opposed the US attack on Iraq.

The net profit of Jamati investment per annum is 500,000,000,00 (10% of the annual budget of the Bangladesh government). Click here for a detailed report.

The sources of Jamati income are: Muslim NGOs (a billion-dollar industry supported by the Middle Eastern Islamic countries such as Saudi Arab, Libya and Iran) arms and drug trafficking, Arab Bangladesh Bank, private clinics, private universities, chain of kindergartens (Ideal) schools around the country, nearly 120,000 Islamic schools (madrasas), tea stalls, coaching centres, fax/photocopy shops.

The largest chunk of Jamati income is invested in order to install and reinforce Islamic ideology among the educated middle class. Private universities, namely North-South, IUB, are used as Jamati bases to launch an ideological campaign.

Hundreds of academics are kept on Jamati payroll in order to establish Islamic ideology as the dominant discourse. The opportunist intellectuals are paid to keep their mouth shut or to propagate Islam while the secular humanist/main conformist intellectuals are killed by Jamati goons.

Jamati terrorist cells are organized and operatives are trained by the military personnel of Pakistan Military Intelligence (ISI) and based on al-Qaida model. Jamati terrorist operatives are caught, home and abroad, teamed up with international al-Qaida operatives. Al-Qaida videos are used in training the Jamati operatives in various training camps in northern and southern districts of Bangladesh.

The most alarming form of Jamati activism is not the armed terrorism, torture and extortions, but the rapidly expanding Jamati control of the Bangladeshi minds through its domination in the educational institutions and media. While Islam is challenged everywhere around the world, Jamat succeeded in turning Islamic ideology into a discursive movement as Marxism was among the Bangalee intellectuals in the 1960s. Decontexualized English language (using Koran as texts for English language learning) is promoted in private schools and universities to install and advance Islamic ideology. Pro Jamati academics are appointed in all the major universities. The Jamati VC of National University created 600 posts overnight to Jamatize the whole university.

THE RETURN OF JAMAT-E-ISLAM

The idea that the Muslim-dominated parts of British India should become a separate country was articulated for the first time in a short essay written in 1933 by an Indian Muslim student at Cambridge, Rahmat Ali. He even proposed a name for the new state – Pakistan – which was an acronym based on the nations that would compose it: Punjab, Afghan (the Northwest Frontier), Kashmir, Indus (or Sindh) and Baluchistan. The new name also meant “the Land of the Pure.”

However, the acronym did not include India’s most populous Muslim province, East Bengal, and, at first, most Islamic groups opposed the idea of religious nationalism. The most prestigious Islamic university in the subcontinent, the Darul Uloom, was located at Deoband in Saharanpur district of what now is Uttar Pradesh in India, and its leaders strongly supported the Indian nationalist movement led by the Congress. The Jamat-e-Islami, which was founded in 1941 by Maulana Abul Ala Maududi and had grown out of the Deoband Madrassa (as the university became known) went to the extent of “alleging that the demand for a separate state based on modern selfish nationalism amounted to rebelling against the tenets of Islam.”

Key Jamati leaders

Top Jamatis are all war criminals of 1971: Gholam Azam, Saidi, Shaikhul Hadis, Amini, SAKA, Nizami & Mojahid. Click here for their criminal past.

But gradually, the Muslim League, led by Muhammad Ali Jinnah, won support for the Pakistan idea, and when India became independent in August 1947, two states were born: the secular but Hindu-dominated Union of India – and the Islamic State of Pakistan, which consisted of two parts, one to the west of India and the other to the east. The Jamat became one of the strongest supporters of the Pakistan idea, and, somewhat ironically, the Deobandi movement through its network of religious schools, or madrassas, developed into a breeding ground for Pakistan-centered Islamic fundamentalism. Over the years, the Deobandi brand of Islam has become almost synonymous with religious extremism and fanaticism.

The Deobandis had actually arisen in British India not as a reactionary force but as a forward-looking movement to unite and reform Muslim society in the wake of oppression the community faced after the 1857 revolt, or “Mutiny” as the British called it. But in independent Pakistan – East and West – new Deobandi madrassas were set up everywhere, and they were run by semi-educated mullahs who, according to Pakistani journalist Ahmed Rashid, “were far removed from the original reformist agenda of the Deobandi school.”

Much later, it was from these madrassas Afghanistan’s dreaded Taliban (“Islamic Students”) were to emerge. The Jamat was from the beginning inspired by the Ikhwan ul-Muslimeen, or the Muslim Brotherhood, which was set up in Egypt in 1928 with the aim of bringing about an Islamic revolution and creating an Islamic state. When they had come to accept Pakistan as that Islamic state, Bengali nationalism was totally unacceptable. The Jamat’s militants fought alongside the Pakistan army against the Bengali nationalists. Among the most notorious of the Jamat leaders was Abdul Kader Molla, who became known as “the Butcher of Mirpur,” a Dhaka suburb which in 1971 was populated mainly by non-Bengali Muslim immigrants. Today, he is the publicity secretary of Bangladeshi Jamat, and, despite his background, was granted a US visa to visit New York in the last week of June 2002. In 1971, he and other Jamat leaders were considered war criminals by the first government of independent Bangladesh, but they were never prosecuted as they had fled to Pakistan.

The leaders of the Jamat returned to Bangladesh during the rule of Zia and Ershad because they were invited to come back, and they also saw Ershad especially as a champion of their cause. This was somewhat ironic as Ershad was – and still is – known as a playboy and hardly a religiously-minded person. But he had introduced a string of Islamic reforms – and he needed the Jamat to counter the Awami League, and, like his predecessor Zia, he had to find ideological underpinnings for what was basically a military dictatorship. The problem was that the Jamat had been discredited by its role in the liberation war – but, as a new generation emerged, that could be “corrected.” Jamat’s Islamic ideals were taught in Bangladesh’s madrassas, which multiplied at a tremendous pace. The madrassas fill an important function in an impoverished country such as Bangladesh, where basic education is available only to a few. Today, there are an estimated 64,000 madrassas in Bangladesh, divided into two kinds. The Aliya madrassas are run with government support and control, while the Dars-e-Nizami or Deoband-style madrassas are totally independent. Aliya students study for 15-16 years and are taught Arabic, religious theory and other Islamic subjects as well as English, mathematics, science and history. They prepare themselves for employment in government service, or for jobs in the private sector like any other college or university student. In 1999, there were 7,122 such registered madrassas in Bangladesh.

The much more numerous Deobandi madrassas are more “traditional”; Islamic studies dominate, and the students are taught Urdu (the national language of Pakistan), Persian and Arabic. After finishing their education, the students are incapable of taking up any mainstream profession, and the mosques and the madrassas are their main sources of employment. As Bangladeshi journalist Salahuddin Babar points out: “Passing out from the madrassas, poorly equipped to enter mainstream life and professions, the students are easily lured by motivated quarters who capitalize on religious sentiment to crate fanatics, rather than modern Muslims.”

The consequences of this kind of madrassa education can be seen in the growth of the Jamat. It did not fare well in the 1996 election, capturing only three seats in the parliament and 8.61% of the votes.16 Its election manifesto was also quite carefully worded, perhaps taking into consideration the party’s reputation and the fact that the vast majority of Bangladeshis remain opposed to Sharia law and other extreme Islamic practices. The 23-page document devoted 18 pages to lofty election promises, and only five to explaining Jamat’s political stand. The party tried to reassure the public that it would not advocate chopping off thieves’ hands, stoning of people committing adultery or banning interest – at least not immediately. According to the NGO SEHD: The priority focus would be the alleviation of poverty, stopping free mixing of sexes and thus awakening the people to the spirit of Islam and then eventually step by step the Islamic laws would be introduced.

It is impossible to determine how much support the Jamat actually had in the 2001 election as it was part of an alliance whose various members voted for each other against the Awami League, but its 17 seats in the new parliament – and two ministers in the government – suggest a dramatic increase. Its youth organization, Islami Chhatra Shibir (ICS), is especially active. It is a member of the International Islamic Federation of Student Organizations as well as the World Assembly of Muslim Youth and has close contacts with other radical Muslim groups in Pakistan, the Middle East, Malaysia and Indonesia. One of its main strongholds is at the university in Chittagong, and it dominates the Deobandi madrassas all over the country, from where it draws most of its new members. It has been implicated in a number of bombings and politically and religiously motivated assassinations.

On April 7, 2001, two leaders of the Awami League’s youth and student front were killed by ICS activists and on June 15, an estimated 21 people were killed and over 100 injured in a bomb blast at the Awami League party office in the town of Narayanganj. Two weeks later, the police arrested an ICS activist for his alleged involvement in the blast.18 A youngish Islamic militant, Nurul Islam Bulbul, is the ICS’s current president, and Muhammad Nazrul Islam its general secretary.

For many years the mother party, the Jamat, was led by Gholam Azam, who had returned from Pakistan when Zia was still alive and in power. He resigned in December 2000, and Motiur Rahman Nizami took over as the new Amir of the party amid wide protests and demands that he be put on trial for war crimes he committed during the liberation war as the head of a notorious paramilitary force, the Al-Badar. In one particular incident on December 3, 1971, some members of that force seized the village of Bishalikkha at night in search of freedom fighters, beating many and killing eight people. When Nizami’s appointment was made public, veterans of the liberation war burnt an effigy of him during a public rally. In October 2001, Nizami was appointed minister for agriculture, an important post in a mainly agricultural country such as Bangladesh. His deputy, Ali Ahsan Muhammad Mujahid, became minister for social welfare. The terrorist attacks in New York on September 11, 2001, occurred during the election campaign in Bangladesh when the country was ruled by a caretaker government. But the outgoing prime minister, the Awami League’s Sheikh Hasina, and then opposition leader Khaleda Zia of the BNP, condemned the attacks and both, if they were elected, offered the United States use of Bangladesh’s air space, ports and other facilities to launch military attacks against the Taliban and Al-Qaeda in Afghanistan. Many Bangladeshis were moved by the loss of as many as 50 of their countrymen in the attacks on the World Trade Center. While some of them were immigrants working as computer analysts and engineers, most seem to have been waiters at the Window on the World restaurant who were working hard to send money back to poor relatives in Bangladesh. A Bangladeshi embassy official in Washington branded the attacks “an affront to Islam…an attack on humanity.” Jamat’s stand on the “war against terrorism,” however, contrasts sharply to that of the more established parties. Shortly after the US attacks on Afghanistan began in October 2001, the Jamat created a fund purportedly for “helping the innocent victims of America’s war.” According to the Jamat’s own announcements, 12 million Bangladeshi takas ($210,000) was raised before the effort was discontinued in March 2002. Any remaining funds, the Jamat then said, would go to Afghan refugees in camps in Pakistan.

Click here to view the Network of Jamati terrorist cells and organized bomb blasts around the country

Jamat-e-Islami of Bangladesh and the Regional Jihadi Networks

by Shahriar Kabir

Most national dailies of Bangladesh published on May 21, 2004, the gruesome photographic testimony of brutality of Bangla Bhai, the self-proclaimed militant fundamentalist, from greater Rajshahi area. The picture showed the dead body of Abdul Qayum Badshah (52) of the Raninagar of Naogaon district, hanging from the branch of a tree. It has been alleged that Badshah was a member of the Sarbahara Party. The Jihadi outfit, Jagrata Muslim Janata of Bangladesh (JMJB) brutally killed him and hung his dead body from a tree to warn the anti-fundamentalists of dire consequences that anyone opposing them.

Such grisly pictures were familiar during the liberation war of 1971. The Pakistani army used to kill the Bangladeshi freedom lovers and hung their dead bodies from the trees. They would at times hung them alive from the trees upside down and light fires below to roast living human beings. Alternatively, they skinned them alive while hanging. Again we saw such pictures in the Taliban’s Afghanistan. They killed pro-communist President Najibullah and hung his dead body publicly in Kabul. This was to demonstrate to their socialists and communist opponents what brutality the Mullah Omar’s Taliban were capable of. Now again after eight years, with Talibanist coalition Government of Bangladesh, we visited similar pictures of fundamentalist brutality.Three days after the publication of the vicious picture of hanging dead body of Badshah an appeal was published in Daily Janakantha, under the title, “ Aro asankhya gachhe asankhya lash jhule thakar aggei kichhu karun” (Please act before numerous more trees have innumerable more dead bodies hanging from them). This appeal was a letter from Shafiqpur High School’s Head Master Mahmud Musa, a victim himself, who wrote as follows:“I am the Head Master of Shafiqpur High School of Rani Nagar Sub-District, Naogaon District of North Bengal. My home is also in the same village. In the last fifteen years, I built this High School on own paternal property step by step, with the help of education loving public of the area and public representatives. With persistent personal effort, and in my small way, thus I had managed propagation of education in the area. On May 8th last the JMJB cadres attacked and razed to ground my four-roomed inherited paternal living quarters. This incident was published in various national dailies on May 16th, 2004. On the same day, another seventy houses were razed to the ground including that of another Head Master and an elected chairman. In these conditions, I and other members of my family have taken shelter in a nearby town. Before the tragedy of the destruction of our ancestral house and leaving the village could be absorbed, the JMJB cadres abducted my elder brother (Abdul Qayum Badshah) on Wednesday, May 19th. The next day they killed him after a public announcement in the microphone, all over the area. Later they hung his dead body from a roadside tree in the neighbouring Baman village, of Nandigram sub-district, of Bogra District. Newspaper readers have seen this picture on last May 21st. I heard that these butchers are looking for me. They will probably kill me with similar brutality and display my dead body if they can find me. I am also frequently hearing similar threats of life to other members of my family. Another brother of ours has stayed back in the village risking his life because it is now the harvesting time. They have once abducted him and after torturing him in their camp have let him go. Our family has a well- established reputation in the area. Our family has a tradition of association with progressive politics and culture. My father and brother both were established in the literature and social work in the area. We were also trying to perpetuate this tradition to the best of our ability. Probably that is now considered to be my family’s crime and mine.The state of Bangladesh has a government and an administration. The country has the police and an army. This area has an elected MP, who is a deputy minister. This district also has a responsible minister. There are many human rights organizations in this country. There is a civil society. There are a government and an opposition party. I want to earnestly appeal to all of them and their sense of responsibility and conscience. I want to let them know that a citizen and an ordinary teacher is now dangerously threatened and is at high risk of life. Would you not come to the aid of this teacher, who is a refugee from his own home with friends and family, due to danger to his life? Will none of you feel responsible enough to stop this medieval terror? Do these goons who have destroyed my home and killed my brother perpetrate it in my fate to continue to see horrors? Those who are not threatened today, how are they assured that they will not be threatened tomorrow? Who is giving them this assurance? Their silence today may turn too dangerous for tomorrow. It may be too late then. I appeal to the government, the administration and conscientious citizen – “ Please do something”. And please do it before you observe many more dead bodies dangle from roadside trees.” The writer of the above letter Mahmud Musa came to see me on 26th May. He came to inform me about the helplessness of his whole family. I asked him if his murdered brother was actually connected with the “Sarbahara Party”. Mahmud Musa said, “Maybe, but I do not know.” He stated, “Suppose my brother had done some crime, there is a government, police, a judicial court and law. If my brother was ordered hanged after the judicial procedure – I would have no complaint. But who is this Bangla Bhai? Is he the court or the government? By which law has he ordered the execution of my brother?” I asked Mahmud Musa if there were any pending cases against his brother with the police. The younger brother of the murdered confirmed that there were, some. But he claimed them to be all false cases. For example, he said there is a case with the date of crime 30/2/2000. Obviously there was never a 30th February. I asked him, what proof he had that Bangla Bhai’s JMJB had killed his brother. Musa said they (JMJB) have themselves announced and the newspapers have carried this in their report. Bangla Bhai’s 2nd in command Hemayet Hussain Himu, Jamat Amir (a leading position of Jamat-e-Islami party) of Raninagar sub-district. Muffajjal Hussain and Jamat’s former worker Abul Master lead a JMJB armed gang which abducted Badshah and three others. They have hung the dead body of Badshah on a roadside tree, the other three are still missing. I asked Mahmud Musa further whether they have filed a case (FIR) in the police station. He said, “No, not yet.” Badshah’s family is out of the area due to the militant acts of Bangla Bhai. He himself is unable to go back to his village. Additionally, police do not accept complaints against Bangla Bhai.

Police’s refusal to accept complaints against Bangla Bhai is very normal. It is published in the newspapers that the Police O.C. follows around as bodyguard of Bangla Bhai, the militant fundamentalist leader. The district A.S.P., the divisional D.I.G. are also the protectors of Bangla Bhai, hence in the greater Rajshahi area, there is no one with enough courage to complain against Bangla Bhai. Then he revealed why the fundamentalists were mad at his family. Their family is a politically conscious family of the area. Family wise they have been associated with left movements and he once was a member of left-oriented National Awami Party of Bangladesh. Badshah and Musa’s father Abdul Kader was a participant of the Tebhaga movement. Ila Mitra personally knew Abdul Kader. His grandfather Sakim Sardar and great grandfather Kasim Sardar were known to Rabindra Nath Tagore and had hearty relation with him. Patisar, the famous Tagore Zamindari, skirts Raninagar area. In Ahmed Rafiq’s research paper on Tagore, there is a description of Rabindranath’s friendly relations with Kasim Sardar of Raninagar. In their family, they still learn and practice Rabindra Sangeet. They also have a tradition of reading modern literature. They had family relations with Ismail Hussain Siraji. The books that police party confiscated from their house included books by Aroj Ali Matobbar and Ahmad Safa. Musa said JMJB did not allow this year’s Rabindra Jayanti celebration at Patisar. They said, “You can’t sing Rabindra Sangeet – you have to sing Hamd and Naa’t.”Musa does not know when they will be able to go back to their home, destroyed by Bangla Bhai. Due to the terrorist activities of militant Bangla Bhai, hundreds of people have left the area. This has been admitted by Maolana Abdur Rahman, JMJB’s Amir and spiritual guru of Bangla Bhai. In an interview with Asaduzzaman Samrat of Ajker Kagoj, Maolana Rahman explained that in the greater Rajshahi area, in seven sub-districts, in this task of suppressing ‘the Sarbaharas’ they had active cooperation of Post and Telecommunication Minister Barrister Aminul Haq, Housing and PWD Deputy Minister Alamgir Kabir, Land Minister Ruhul Quddus Talukdar Dulu and member of Parliament Nadim Mustafa. In Bagmara, where their activities are at the peak, even MP Abu Hena is not opposing their action. They are getting full cooperation with the administration. He said there is widespread support among ordinary people of the area. In a short time, they have arrested fifty people and found a huge amount of weapons. More than five thousand Sarbahara have surrendered. (Ajker Kagoj, 13 May 2004). The atrocities of Bangla Bhai, under the shelter of two BNP ministers, three MPs and Police have become so widespread that he has not been bothered by the arrest warrant ordered by the Prime Minister (before her departure for China). He is very safely and openly moving around in the area, without any cover. On May 23rd last Bangla Bhai’s stormtroopers have marched in Rajshahi under police protection and displayed their arms. They came to the city riding on hundreds of motorcycles and mini-buses and submitted a memorandum to the administration. The police officers have congratulated the so-called Jihad of Bangla Bhai against the Sarbahara group.The militant activities of self-styled militant fundamentalist Ajijur Rahman, aka Siddiqul Islam, aka “Bangla Bhai”’ are being published in Bangladeshi national daily newspapers again since April 1st week of this year. In August of last year, militant fundamentalist organization Jamiatul Mujaheddin (JM)’s members were in the limelight, when they attacked police to decamp with arms, ammunitions and the wireless sets. At that time reportage on their activities continued for about 20/21 days. In January of 1999, militant fundamentalist organization Harkat-ul Jihad al Islami’s (HUJI) killers were in the news when they attacked poet Shamsur Rahman at his home. At that time Dhaka newspapers serially published a story of their fundamentalist militant activities. But the present coverage of Bangla Bhai’s JMJB is more widely covered. The organization was once secret and after a few arrests – the reportage subsided. This time however the reportage is continuing even after eight to nine weeks and will not subside till fundamentalist militant Bangla Bhai is arrested and JMJB banned.In 1999 and in 2003 we were stunned and frightened to know the countrywide militant fundamentalist network of HUJI and JM, respectively. Like the underground tunnel network of a sly fox, the network of these militant organizations is spread all over the country. The reason JMJB is getting more reportage is: HUJI and JM are not open organizations, but JMJB, is. Hadn’t HUJI’s potential killers were not caught on January 18, 1999, while trying to kill poet Shamshur Rahman, we would not have known about their presence in Bangladesh. Initially, only three were captured who admitted their association with HUJI. Later, based on their admission police arrested another forty-eight person of which one was South African and another Pakistani. All these facts have been published in various national newspapers.On 24th January 1999, Daily Ittefaq had published, based on an investigative report, that twenty-eight other prominent artists, poets and novelists were on the hit list of HUJI. In a publication, Afghan Atlas, published from Nebraska University, USA an important research paper states, “ bin Laden has ISI’s logistics and intelligence support. HUJI and quite a few of Pakistan’s militant organizations have a connection to bin Laden. HM has a connection with Dhaka based Jihadi Islami, the organization whose assignment is to recruit Bangladeshi and Indian Muslims to fight in Kashmir.” At that time the Pakistani citizen Mohammad Sajjid and South African Ahmed Sadeq Ahmed had admitted to police that bin Laden had given them two crore Taka ( more than 300,000 US dollars) to build a Taliban-style militant group in Bangladesh. This money they had spent via 821 madrassas. (Reuters, Jan 28, 1999).In spite of such concrete proof, police submitted such weak charge sheet, that the superior court criticized police for weak charge sheet. It has been seen in the last seven years that whether it is JM or HUJI – police arrested them when there are hue and cry in the newspapers – later they submitted such weak charge sheets that criminals were let go or released on bail. There is never any problem for them to get out of jail. Last year the militant cadre of JM, who were arrested red-handed with arms and seditious pamphlets, they had no problem to get out of jail on April 2nd of this year. The present Inspector General of Police has been alleged to be a collaborator of the genocidal Pakistani army of 1971 and the current Home Secretary is known to have a Jamat connection. Thus it can be clearly surmised why to arrest or keep in custody the militant fundamentalists or to judiciously run the criminal cases against them is not on cards for the Khaleda-Nizami government. Whenever there has been any allegation against any activities of the militant fundamentalists, immediately the Jamat-e-Islami chief and Industries Minister of the coalition government Matiur Rahman Nizami states that Jamat has no relation with militant fundamentalists. On last 24th May, he again stated in a news conference, “Jamat does not have any relation with so-called JMJB or Bangla Bhai. Jamat does not have any relation with Hijbut Tahrir, Hijbut Tawheed, JM or similar organizations.“ (Janakantha, 25th May 2004). On the same day at a news conference sponsored by Ekatturer Ghatak Dalal Nirmul Committee( EGDNC) and South Asia People’s Union Against Fundamentalism and Communalism, Professor Kabir Choudhury said, “On January of this year in Sylhet, at Hazrat Shah Jalal’s Mazar, there was bombing and five persons were killed. In February, the powerful voice against fundamentalism, Professor Humayun Azad was attacked with a machete and he survived narrowly. Again on May 21, at the same Mazar of Hazrat Shah Jalal, an attempt was made on the life of the newly-appointed British High Commissioner to Bangladesh. In this attack, another three persons were killed and nearly a hundred were injured. Even though the British High Commissioner survived the attempt on his life, he is still in the hospital. Even though the investigative reporters of Bangladesh’s national dailies found a member of the coalition Jamat-e-Islami responsible for the terrorist act, the coalition government, in an attempt to protect Jamat, has taken no action.”The US Asst. Secretary of State Christina Rocca expressed displeasure about the activities of Bangla Bhai, during her 3-day visit to Bangladesh, on May 18th, last. She asked Jamat leader Matiur Nizami about Bangla Bhai’s whereabout. (Janakantha, 20th May 2004). Obviously, before coming to Bangladesh she must have done her homework on the related information and documents of proof in this regard. If Bangla Bhai did not have any relation with Jamat, Ms Rocca would not have asked Nizami about this issue, since the issue is not about his Industries Ministry, but his party Jamat-e-Islami. No one else is expected to know better than Nizami in this regard. The chief of Jamat is an influential member of the present cabinet. Thus there is no possibility asking Nizami under arrest and oath about his party’s relation to JMJB, Jamiatul Mujaheddin or other militant organizations of Bangladesh. If such a hypothetical scenario ever happens, the close links between Nizami’s Jamat-e-Islami and the Islamic extremist organizations would have been divulged in a second. In August of last year, JM militants had a clash with police and a few were arrested, Jamat, as usual, said they had no connection with Jamat. Again on May 20th of this year, Nizami repeated the same story to Ms Rocca. But in last August all Bangladeshi newspapers had published reports about the relation between Jamat and Jamiatul Mujaheddin. When police raided the house of Montajurul Islam, the chief accused of Khetlal militant attack, the documents they found not only had distinct proof of Jamat connection to JM but also to al Qaeda in Afghanistan. Also in August of 2003, three books written by Maulana Masud Azhar were found in the Jamiatul Mujaheedin office in Jaipurhat. Pakistan based Jaish-e Muhammad‘s commander Masud Azhar’s name flashed across the newspaper headlines in the sub-continent in December of 1999 when Indian Airlines flight number IC 414 was hijacked. The Islamic extremists hijacked the passenger plane to Afghanistan with a primary demand to release the militant leader Masud Azhar. The Indian government was forced to release him to meet the demand of the hijackers. When he was arrested in India he had submitted in his deposition the following facts: He was born in Bhawalpur in Pakistan on July 10th, 1968. His father was a Deobandi type, a strictly religious person. He joined Harkatul Mujaheddin (HM) during his student days and went to Afghanistan as a Jihadi per instruction of the organizational head Maolana Fajlur Rahman Khalil. In 1993 catching an Air Emirate flight he flew into Dhaka, Bangladesh accompanied by Sajjad Afghani. Then he went to Karachi but Sajjad Afghani went to India. In January 1998 he again came to Bangladesh, on a Portuguese passport, to enter India. On January 29th he boarded a Bangladesh Biman flight to New Delhi. In February, on his way from Delhi to Srinagar, he was arrested. (www.stratmag.com/issue2nov-15/kargil.html me of Khetlal terrorist attack, Jamat declared, that the principal accused Montajurul Islam was expelled from their party two years earlier. But according to published newspaper reports Montajurul had applied for becoming Roqan (Jamat-e-Islami’s senior hierarchical position) of the Jamat and these papers were found by the police. While Police is not admitting publicly to the news reporters any connection between Jamat and JM, they admit that diaries found in the terrorist hideouts provide a full list of workers and leaders of Jamat and Shibir.“…The following were also found during the search there: a. Election leaflets of Abbas Ali Khan, ex-Amir of Jamat. b. An application for monetary help from Sirajul Islam, a local Beniapara madrassa student to the Jamat funding organization Baitul Maal. 3. A Baniapara Ahmedia Madrassa receipt book for donations received. 4. A copy of Dhaka’s Bengali daily Bhrorer Kagoj dated February 13, 1995. The newspaper had the headlines in Bengali: “Rajshahi University declared closed – two dead in Chhatradal- Shibir clash – more than 150 injured. “After the militant-police confrontation, police informed that in the hideout they also found: 1. Many books and publications belonging to Jamat and Shibir. 2. Monogrammed diaries of many Shibir activists. The recent full day’s investigation has yielded that the building where the militants had congregated for training was owned by Jamiatul Mujaheddin leader Montajurul Islam. In the concerned area, processions were taken out under the leadership of Montajurul, more than a months before January 20, 2003, brutal murder of five persons in the Pir place of Begunbari sub-district. He had openly declared in these rallies that they would oppose and annihilate any anti-Islamic activity in the area, soon after which the brutal murders were conducted. The absconding militant leader was seen in the open, hobnobbing with the Jamat leaders and was also actively building armed JM organization. Many sources in the area inform that he regularly trained more than 100 persons military and guerrilla tactics and warfare, in his private compound. Additionally, letters have been found which clearly establishes Jamat and Jamiatul Mujaheedin connections. In this letter district Jamat secretary, Abdul Matin Sardar had given Montajurul Islam a significant number of organizational directives. (see Bhorer Kagaj, 20th August 2003). In all Dhaka newspapers including prestigious “Daily Star”, “Prothom Alo” and “Janakantha”, in their investigative reports have stated that the Bangla Bhai’s, JMJB is the open manifestation of banned organization JM.It has been noticed that whenever the government is under pressure from donor nations they ban the fundamentalist organizations and arrest some of their operatives. Then soon after the banned organizations and operatives resurface under a different name, with the same activities. The jailed activists are soon released, as usual. The jailed militants came out of prison on April 2nd, 2004. The same day’s Janakantha carried the news that in Rajshahi, under police protection, the militants attacked and mercilessly butchered a person named Babu, who was allegedly a Sarbahara activist. They shouted slogans like, ” Nara e Takbir, Alla ho Akbar.” Since then for the next eight weeks, the news of Bangla Bhai’s of JMJB has been reported in Bengali media with a clear reference of the organization’s link with Jamat and Afghan Taleban. The brother of Badshah,(the Hanging dead body of May 21), Mr. Mahmud Musa informed that Jamat’s Raninagar Amir, Mufajjal Hussain was in the team of Badshah’s abductors.In the long sixty-three years of Jamat-e-Islami’s history, there is no example of any of their leaders ever accepting the blame/responsibility for any of their misdeeds. In 1953 Jamat’s Chief Maududi was charged with the murder of thirty thousand innocent Ahmadiya in Pakistan’s Lahore, after a riot in which that many had lost their lives. Maududi was prosecuted, proven guilty and sentenced to death by hanging. Yet until today, Jamat has not acknowledged that they were responsible for the massacre of innocents. During Bangladesh’s war of independence, Jamat-e-Islami’s militant wings like Razakar, Al Badr and Al-Shams were formed simply to assist Pakistan army’s perpetration of genocide, which they did in the name of protection of Islam. They tortured and murdered the freedom fighters and intellectuals in large numbers, which were published in their own party paper“Daily Sangram”. Now, however, they say that they were not involved in those murders but Awami League was. I had retorted to this blatant lie in a BBC interview. I stated that if we had to assume that Nizami or Jamat was not involved in the preparation of the list of intellectuals till the last days of 1971’s Bangladesh liberation war, then we had to assume that Nizami was an Awami League activist in 1971. In that context, we were supposed to believe that “Daily Sangram” was the party paper of Awami League. This is the same daily, which published vivid details of many massacres by Al Badr of freedom fighters with glowing tributes. And lastly, Nizami himself wrote many columns to inspire Al Badr cadres to kill the freedom fighters, in this ignoble newspaper.There is a commonality of purpose between the Nizamis and the JMJB, JM and other Islamist fascist outfits. Every one of them has a goal to establish an “Islamic state” in Bangladesh like the one under the Taliban in Afghanistan, with a Koran and Shari’a-based law. Where is the difference between Jamat and these militants, in goal and ideal? It is now quite evident the main pillars of Jamat’s politics are: lies, deception and slyness. When Matiur Rahman Nizami says that he and Al Badr have no connection with 1971’s mass murder of the Bangladeshi intellectuals, or Bangla Bhai or Montajurul have no connection with Jamat – the lies became very glaring and self-evident. If everything is false then why does police look for Shibir activists after the bomb attack on the British High commissioner, at Shah Jalal’s Mazar in Sylhet? Why did Christina Rocca ask Nizami, and not others, “What about the whereabouts of Bangla Bhai?”According to psychologists, continuous lying develops into a type of mental disorder. Nizami is so much overtaken by this disorder that soon a day may come when Nizami would say, “I have no relation with Jamat” or maybe– “I am not Nizami.” Nizamis may think that the people of Bangladesh are fools, as they perceived them in 1971. They claimed then that without Pakistan there would be no trace of Islam in the face of the earth. In 1971, the people of Bangladesh, buried Pakistan, the beloved land of Nizami and his likes, to create Bangladesh. In 1971 also Jamat had a two-member representation in the cabinet and they jubilantly performed all the murders and atrocities. They are repeating the story, now, again. Had anyone in March 1971 envisioned that the burial of Pakistan and Jamat would have been conducted only nine months later, in these very banks of Buri Ganga in Dhaka? The Dhaka of 1971 is now a metropolis. The progeny of the three million martyrs and this old city are waiting eagerly and are counting the days for the upcoming disaster of Jamat.

Shahriar Kabir is a writer and a human rights activist in Bangladesh

Taliban Factory

What does “Taliban” mean? Taliban is an Arabic word that is a plural form of the word student who studies Holy Koran and Hadiths. Afghani Taliban, the pure (Pukka) Muslims on earth, existed for several years after Mohamed. We are so lucky; we had a great chance to see some fresh Muslims a few years ago. These warm-blooded Muslims are gently trained and boosted by their spiritual masters in the factories. The biggest Taliban factories are the Arab-based “Madrasahs,” which are scattered throughout the Islamic kingdoms. Likewise, there are thousands of Taliban factories in the West. But, because of the western influences, the factories turn into a small size that can be called “the mini Taliban factory.” The question is, “where are the factories located in the lands of Kafirs?” These mini-factories are nowhere but in many Masques, Islamic Learning Centers, and reserved rooms in universities & colleges. There is another question left, that is, “then who are the mini Taliban in the West?” The simple answer for that question is: the mini Taliban are the devout Muslims and hard-core Islamists who smoothly get energized in the mini-factories.

Since I almost grew up in North America, please let me focus on its territories where I know hundreds of Muslims who are from around the world. I often talk to many Muslims and Islamists on the phone, and I sometimes meet them in their residences, Islamic Learning Centers, Masques, and many other places. Whenever I talk and meet them, I always discover a 100% identical idea from almost all Muslims. Therefore, I get to know what most Muslims think and try to do. I never, however, get to hear from the factories about any progressive work that could be beneficial for USA or Canada. Today, I will be discussing the roles and ultimate goals of the mini Taliban for North America (the USA and Canada). Now let’s see some of their (the mini Taliban) functions.

The roles:
a) Duties in the schools:
While attending in the universities and colleges, mostly international and newly immigrated Muslim students (basically from the Middle East and Pakistan) build a “Muslim Association” beside their educations where the first job is to hunt down all Muslim names from the school catalogues (if possible) or any source. The devoted Muslim students do not hesitate to go up to the people who are like Middle Eastern & East Indian and have kind of dark or brown skin colour. Then those Muslim students ask people’s full name. If the names sound like Muslim names, they try to pick,
and they invite and want the fellows to join the Muslim Association. When the loyal Muslim students obtain Muslim names, phone numbers, and addresses from the new people, they make a well-patterned list. And then the Muslim students book a room or mini hall room in the Kaffirs’ universities and colleges for the Islamic performances and rituals where they invite other Muslims and Islamists.

b) Duties in both schools and other places:
Islamists advise every Muslim keeping 1000 feet away from Jews and not hanging out with the infidels, such as host Canadians and Americans.  Islamists want Muslim women to use Islamic dress code “Borkha (veil).” Islamists suggest that all Muslim children should be raised in a 100% Islamic way. If any person is a Jewish nominee, the Islamists produce and pass significant advice to the listed or known Muslims not to vote a Jew. It does not matter whether the candidate is a good person or not, but his or her religion i.e. Judaism is very important to most Muslims. Islamists ask all possible Muslims not to buy meats from the Kaffirs’ stores like Safeways, Superstores, Loblaws, etc. because the fresh and hygienic meats are considered “Haram.” Hard-core Islamists in the group particularly focus on Coca Cola, MacDonald’s, and KFC to quit them because they are American products. As well, Islamists frequently discuss to leave all types of American and British products, mostly American ones. It seems to be so funny to me that any Muslim or civilized person can never be able to quit US and UK products. Islamists and other Muslims evaluate the problems for only Kashmiri, Palestinian, and other Muslim brothers and sisters. Islamists hand out the Salat and fasting schedules to the Muslims as many as possible. I appreciate this work.

Some of the Muslim students and young Islamists know computer programming (Kaffirs’ one of the greatest inventions). Thus, they make hundreds of Islamic programs, mini software, and files (like Islamic miracles, lucky words, etc.), and then they send and forward these Islamic computing-products via e-mails to the Muslim name holder people. Young-adult Islamists and Muslim students are so excited as well. They do not wait even for a second to build hundreds of Islamic websites to brag out Islam is a good and true religion.

Some questions to consider:
1) In the universities and colleges, is any “Muslim Association” concerned about the improvement of the schools, or do these organizations usually participate in the school-development programs? The answer is negative. No usual evidence can be found from the university or college student unions. 2) Do the “Muslim Associations” and other Islamists ever discuss the progress of the USA or Canada where they live? OOO!! Never.
3) Do Islamists feel sympathy and talk over in the Masques and Islamic Centers or anywhere when some Canadian or US soldiers die in any war? Impossible!! That is not Islamic. 4) Do Islamists or the devout Muslims ever protest for the Muslim women and non-Muslims when they are in the Islamic paradises the second and third-class citizens respectively? NO!!! But, yes, Islamists raise their voice to upgrade Islam in the USA and Canada without any challenge. 5) Do Islamists or Muslims ever pray to Allah for the Kaffir officers who granted visa and immigration papers
for the USA or Canada??? HMM!! Never heard a good response from any Muslim so far. 6) Do Islamists or Muslims ever pray for the Kaffirs in every Salat (prayer) in the Masques which are at least granted and partially funded by the Kaffirs or infidels, Jews, Christians, and so on? The Answer is big “NO.” 7) Did Islamists pray in the North American Masques for the innocent Kaffir people who died in 11-September tragedy? Oops!! Nope!! (Now the whole world knows Allah’s best code of life and how He teaches.) 8) Do Islamists or their organizations participate for any national and social work which they (Islamists) at least should do as residents or citizens of the USA or Canada? I do not think they do. (I find most Muslims busy in the Masques and Islamic Centers discussing Islam and Muslim brotherhood mostly at the weekend and on the statutory holidays. I was amazed on Remembrance Day, 2003 when I went to a big Masque in X area. I found not a single Muslim ever pronounced a single word for those who fought and died in WW2. All I heard was the same stories of Islam and brotherhood).

Please consider these also:
Do all types of Muslims (mostly under 40) from every Islamic country prefer to settle in North America? Of Course!
2. Do many Muslims even want to pay thousands of dollars for the fake visas or passports just to get to North America? YES.
3. Do Islamists or Muslims want citizenship from the USA and Canada? Of Course! YES, who wants to miss this opportunity?
4. Is it true that Islamists or Muslims or whoever needs to take OATH in order to receive citizenship for the Kaffir lands USA or Canada? YES.
5. Is it a national threat or offence if any guest citizens violet the oath that they took by raising the right hand? YES.
6. Do any work by the Islamists or Muslims that you have already read look like they are with the interest of USA or Canada? NO. I do not think at all.
7. Do the Islamists or Muslims want to install Islam in the USA and Canada? YES. Absolutely. No doubt of it. Do they want and expect to rule the USA and Canada as per Allah’s true words? YES. So, do those Islamists or Muslims break the words which they (Islamists) promise to US or Canadian government? YESSSS.

Now, can’t I (or any sane person) say that Islamists or most Muslims are betraying and cheating the US or Canadian govt. by dishonouring the oath? Then, can’t those Islamists or Muslims be called “betrayers?” Dear readers please go ask any Islamists or devout Muslims who reside in the USA and Canada whether they want the Islamic light (Noor) or not where they live. I bet my bottom dollar, all of them spontaneously reply you, “YES, OF COURSE, WHY NOT?” Here it is! Islamists or most Muslims have a higher expectation to get united and make a huge Ummah to establish Allah’s best code of life in USA and Canada.

Well, let’s see some of the Islamic symbols if these were imposed in the USA and Canada by the betrayers. In general, primarily, the following things we might expect to experience: 1) All white and other ladies will be forced to use Borkhas (veils) leaving skirts, tight jeans, shorts etc. Also, no lady can ever show her beauty to the guys as per the Islamic rules. 2) All white and other ladies can not work in the workplaces and attend in the class rooms with boys. 3) All white and other ladies will not be able to go out of their home and hang out on the streets without any guy. If so, ladies will receive some Islamic rewards like “lashings (Dorrah).” 4) Openly, liquor stores will not survive. 5) Hopefully, Mohamed’s language Arabic will be the prime language rather than Kaffirs’ language English and French (French i.e. in QB and NB, Canada). 6) FBI (Federal Bureau of Investigation) in the USA will turn into IBA, that is, Islamic Bureau of Investigation, and RCMP (Royal Canadian Mounted Police) in Canada will become ICMP i.e. Islam Canadian Mounted Police. ICMP will act like “Muttawallee” (a special type of police force that is to look after and impose Islamic laws to the common people). 7) Canada’s head of state is Queen Elizabeth 2; after the Islamic revolution, Allah will be the head of state of USA and Canada.8) Islamists will build Masque at every block. As a result, we will hear loud Azan (prayer call) 5 times a day, 365 days a year. As well as, Islamic reciting (Khutba, Koran Teloat) will often reach to our ears beside loud Azan. (All of these exist in the Islamic soils). 9) Islamists will flood with full Madrasahs, Islamic Learning Centers, Tablighs (meeting) Centers, and Majar Sharifs (e.g. Ajmir Sharif in India) as well. 10) Islamists will never authorise any organisations like NASA that plays with Allah’s mystery of the universe and makes Muslims’ holy moon dirty. 11) I hope Islamists will NEVER tolerate Hollywood, so Islamists will instantly terminate it.12) Financial institutions that offer credit card, mortgage, lease etc. will be eliminated by the Islamists because these financial products depend 100% on interest. Interest is Haram in Islam. 13) Islamists will soon drive out the Haram food items which are made of Haram pork like bacon, sausage, pepperoni, and so forth. 14) Islamic butchers will be ready to invade all meat firms to slaughter animals in the name of Allah to make meats 100% Halal. 15) Islamists will never allow semi-naked women in the lakes, sea beaches, and swimming pools. So, the sun-bath process, swimming, etc. in the USA and Canada will permanently be locked for women.

In fact, there are lots more things to write. I think, for today, I shall not continue anymore. For the rest, you readers can take a guess. The mini Taliban factories in the west vigorously encourage the Muslims to get united and invade the West by Islam. Eventually, what would be then if USA and Canada got Islamized? North America would become like the Kingdom of Saudi Arabia, Iran, and former Talibani Afghanistan. Am I dead wrong? Dear readers, if you are Muslims and live in the continent of USA or Canada, please honestly tell us- do you support the mini Taliban and want them to launch the pure Islam in North America?

Click here for information on Jamat-e-Islam as an ORGANIZATION

Martyred Intellectuals

” ………..It is now known that on Sunday December 12, as the Indian columns were closing on Dacca….a group of senior Pak army officers and their civilian counterparts met in the city’s Presidential residence. They put together the names of 250 peoples to be arrested and killed, including the cream of Dacca’s professional circles not already liquidated during the civil war. Their arrests were made on Monday and Tuesday by marked bands of extreme right-wing Muslims belonging to an organization called the Al-Badar Razakar…Only hours before the official surrender was signed (on 16th), the victims were taken in groups to the outskirts of the city……where they were summarily executed…….. The Times, December 23, 1971

Dhaka University

Munier Chowdhury (Bengali)

Jyotirmoy Guha Thakurata (English)

Rashidiul Hasan (English)

Dr. GC Dev (Philosophy)

Anwar Pasha (Bengali)

Humayun Kabir (Bengali)

Dr Abul Khair (History)
Ghiasuddin Ahmed (History)

Dr. Faizul Mahi (IER) Dr. Mohd. Murtaza (Medical Officer)
Mufazzal Haider Chowdhury

Modhu da (Modhur canteen)
Artists/Journalists/Professionals

Zahir Rayhan

Shahidulla Kaiser

Altaf Mahmood

Dr. Alim Chowdhury

Dr. Fazle Rabbi Dr MA Khair
Zahirul Huq Selina Parveen
ANMG Mostafa Giasuddin Ahmed
Syed Nazmul Huq
Syed A Mannan

Nizamuddin Ahmed Dr Abul Kalam Azad
Dr. Santosh Bhattacharya Dr. Faizul Huq Mahi
Muniruzzaman Sirajuddin Hussain,
Dr Serajul Huq Khan Dr Fazlur Rahman
Mohammad Sadeq Abdul Muktadir
Sabed Ali Anudeppayan Bhattacharya
Abul Bashar Saidul Hasan

Dead body of Dr Fazle Rabbi

Jahangirnagar University

Rajshahi University

Dr Shamsuz Zoha Meer Abdul Quaiyum (Psychology)
Habibur Rahman (Math)
Shukharanjan Samddar (Sanskrit)

15 Staff Members

Bangladesh Agricultural University

Nazmul Ahsan (Agri Engr) Shamsul Huq Talikdar

Photos of some martyred intellectuals

Click here for profiles of martyred intellectuals OF 1971

Murdered Students of Jagannath Hall, DU

Upendra Nath Ray: Final Year MS Physics (Village: Guliara, Dinajpur

Kartik Sheel: Final Year MA English (Kalakhali, Barisal)

Kishori Mohan Sarkar: First Part MA English (Paragram, Dhaka)

Keshab Chandra Haoladar: First Part MS Mathematics (Kachabalia, Barisal)

Gano Pati Haldar: First Second Third Year, Chemistry (Ghatichora, Barisal)

Ziban Krishna Sarkar: Final Part MS Chemistry (Kulpotak, Mymensingh)

Noni Gopal Bhaumik: Second Year Student (Shyam Gram, Comilla)

Nirmal Kumar Ray: First Part MCom Student

Niranjan Prosad Saha: First Part MS Physics

Niranjan Haldar: Final Part MS Physics (Shikarpur, Barisal)

Prodip Narayan Ray Chaudhury: First Part MA student

Barda Kanto Tarafdar: Second Year Student (Khepamol, Mymensingh)

Bidhan Chandra Ghose: Third Year, English (Kacharipara, Pabna)

Bimol Chandra Ray: Third Year Statistics (Balirtek, Manikganj)

Murari Mohan Biswas: M Ed (Ektarpur, Kustia)

Mrinal Kanti Bose: Final Part Economics (Muriagora, Faridpur)

Manoranjan Biswas: Second Year, Mathematics (Satpar, Faridpur)

Ronoda Prosad Ray: Second Year, Mathematics (Kosba, Faridpur)

Ramoni Mohan Bhattacharya: First Part MA, Philosophy (Asta gram, Mymnsingh)

Rakhal Ray: Third Year Mathematics (Chandidwar, Comilla)

Shib Kumar Das: Second Year, Soil Science (Patuary, Faridpur)

Rupendra Nath Sen: Second Year, Chemistry (Bhanga, Faridpur)

Santos Chandra Ray: Final Part MS, Botany (Boribari, Dhaka)

Shishutosh Datta Chaudhury: Second Year, English (Ambor, Sylhet)

Satya Ranjan Das: Third Year, Chemistry (Bajonba, Dhaka)

Sujit Datta: Third Year Student (Palash, Dhaka)

Subhash Chandra Chakrobarty: Second Year, Statistics (Mymensingh)

Susil Chandra Das: Third Year, Soil Science (Barail, Comilla)

Swapan Chaudhury: Third Year, Statistics (Dhemla, Chittagong)

Hari Narayan Das: Third Year, Sociology (Narsingdi, Dhaka)

Ajit Ray Chaudhury: No information

Niranjan Chanda: No info

Prabir Pal: First Part, MS (Amlapara, Mymensingh)

Bhabotosh Bhaumik

Satya Ranjan Nag:

Subrata Saha:

Murdered University Staff and Guests

Modhu Sudan Dey (Modhu Da)

Khogendra Chandra Dey: staff philosophy dept

Sushil Chandra Dey: Pump workman, Engineering dept Dhaka University

Moti Lal Dey:

Dasu Ram: Gardener, VC Resident

Man Bharan Ray: Staff NIPA

Raj Bhar: Electrician, Engineering Dept, DU

Priyo Nath Ray: Gatekeeper

Sunil Chandra Das (Janitor)

Dukhi Ram Mandal: (Janitor)

Shib Pada Kuri (janitor)

Rajen Brahmachari: The spiritual guru of Shib bari

Zahar Lal Rajbhar: Gardener, Botany dept

Saroja Brahmachari: Spiritual guru of Shib bari

Madhab Chandra Das Brahmachari: Spiritual guru of Shib bari

Ram Dhoni Brahmachari: Spiritual guru of Shib bari

Shankar Kuri: Brother of Shibpada Kuri

Swami Mukundo Nando Saraswati: Spiritual guru of Shib bari

Bheer Ray

Bodhi Ram

Mani Ram

Source: Genocide at Dhaka University: 1971 Jaannath Hall, Ratan Lal Chakrobaorty

http://muktadhara.net/page07.html

সূর্যের নিচে মৃতের সারি

নিউ স্টেটসম্যান, ৪ জুন, ১৯৭১

অনুবাদ: ফাহমিদুল হক

প্রথম আক্রমণের পর থেকে দুর্ভিক্ষ সবসময় যুদ্ধের একটি অস্ত্র হিসেবে কাজ করেছে, এবং রোগবালাই দুর্ভিক্ষের কঠোর সহযাত্রী হিসেবে দেখা দিয়েছে। কিন্তু অতীতে যা ইতিহাসকে প্রকাশ করার জন্য রেখে দেয়া হয়েছিল তা এখন ঘটছে বলে পৃথিবীর সামনে উপস্থাপিত হচ্ছে। এখন আর কেউ দাবি করতে পারবে না যে পূর্ব বাংলায় কী ঘটছে তা সে জানে না। রঙিন টেলিভিশনে দেখা যাচ্ছে মৃতদেহগুলো সূর্যের আলোয় পচে যাচ্ছে। ছ-মাস আগে পৃথিবীর প্রতিক্রিয়া ছিল স্বয়ংক্রিয় এবং স্বাভাবিক। বন্যার পানি চারিদিকে বাড়তে থাকলে আশা-আকাঙ্ক্ষা, অকার্যকর হলেও, ধরে রাখা যায়। কিন্তু সেনাবাহিনী বন্যার পনি নয়। ছয় মাসের স্বল্প সময়ে চ্যারিটির রাজনীতি আরো অনেক জটিল হয়ে গেছে। জেনারেল ইয়াহিয়ার খানের আবেদনের পরিপ্রেক্ষিতে কেবল উদাসীন ও উদ্দেশ্যপ্রবণ লোকজনই পশ্চিম পাকিস্তানকে নানা ধরনের সাহায্য করতে চাইবে। দু-সপ্তাহ ধরে জেনারেলের ঘনিষ্ঠতম উপদেষ্টা এম এম আহমেদ আমেরিকান সরকার ও আন্তর্জাতিক অর্থ তহবিলের কাছে সুন্দরতম ভবিষ্যতের কথা শুনিয়ে অর্থসাহায্যের জন্য চাপপ্রয়োগ করছেন। তিনি তাদের বলছেন যে তার দেশ হলো অর্থনৈতিকভাবে দুর্দশাগ্রস্ত। গৃহযুদ্ধের কারণে প্রতিদিন ২০ লাখ ডলার নষ্ট হচ্ছে। যুদ্ধ রফতানি-মুদ্রার সঞ্চয়কে গিলে খাচ্ছে, যার বেশিরভাগই আসে পূর্বাংশ থেকে। এরকম হিসেব করা হয়েছে যে মি. আহমেদ এবং তার প্রভুর ৫০০ মিলিয়ন ডলার প্রয়োজন তাদের পশ্চিম-অংশকে রক্ষা করার জন্য। এখানে পূর্ব-অংশের কথা উল্লেখ করা হয় না যেখানে প্রাকৃতিক ও মনুষ্যসৃষ্ট দুর্যোগর কারণে দেশটি বিধ্বস্ত হয়েছে এবং তার আশু-পরিচর্যা প্রয়োজন।

স্বাভাবিক প্রতিক্রিয়া অনুসারে ইয়াহিয়াকে প্রয়োজনীয় অর্থসাহায্য দেয়াই যায়। পশ্চিমের সঙ্গে ইসলামাবাদ সরকারের সম্পর্ক ভালোই , আগের দু’জন সরকারই সামরিক বাহিনী থেকে আসার পরও। পুঁজিবাদী সরকারসমূহ সাধারণভাবে স্থিতাবস্থা বজায় রাখার পক্ষেই রয়েছে। সার্বভৌম দেশমূহের অভ্যন্তরীণ ব্যাপারে হস্তক্ষেপ না-করার জন্য বইতে আইন-কানুন লেখা রয়েছে, এবং তৃতীয় বিশ্বের আন্দোলনসমূহে এই আইন নিন্দাজনকভাবে ভঙ্গ করা হয়। আমরা মুখে স্বীকার করি কোনো পক্ষ অবলম্বন করে তাদের মনে আঘাত দেয়াটা অন্যায় হবে, কিন্তু আমরা আসলে হস্তক্ষেপ করি এবং ক্ষমতার পক্ষেই থাকি। যাহোক, এক্ষেত্রে সচারচরের কায়দা-কানুন ততটা খাটে নি যেমন মি. আহমেদ আশা করেছিলেন। যুক্তরাষ্ট্রে এব্যাপারে জনগণের অনুভূতি সরকারের পক্ষে যায় নি। এরকম ধারণা তাদের মধ্যে বদ্ধমূল হয়েছে যে এটা শুধু স্থানীয় একটি সমস্যা নয়, এখানে গণতান্ত্রিকভাবে নির্বাচিত একটি সংখ্যাগরিষ্ঠ দলের সঙ্গে নিষ্ঠুর আচরণ করা হয়েছে। পশ্চিম-পাকিস্তান যতক্ষণ পর্যন্ত না একটা রাজনৈতিক সমাধান করতে পারছে, সিনেটের পক্ষে তাদের অর্থসাহায্য করা কঠিন হবে।

ইয়াহিয়ার জন্য সাহায্যের প্রতিশ্রুতি আদায় শ্রদ্ধা পাবার একটি সার্টিফিকেট হবে। অনেক ধরনের ইঙ্গিত দেয়া হচ্ছে যে তিনি এটা অর্জনের জন্য প্রস্তুত হয়ে আছেন। একটি হলো আওয়ামী লীগের সঙ্গে সমঝোতাসহ বেসামরিক শাসনব্যবস্থায় ফিরে যাওয়া। কিন্তু বিচ্ছিন্নতা শুরু হয়ে গেছে; ইউরোপীয়দের কাছে ব্যাপারটা রাজনৈতিক অর্থহীনতা লাগতে পারে। রক্ষণশীল হয়ে হিসেব করলেও শতকরা নব্বই ভাগ পূর্ব-পাকিস্তানী এখন বিচ্ছিন্নতাবাদী।

বিশ্বব্যাংকের একটি দল পরিস্থিতি পর্যবেক্ষণের জন্য বাংলাদেশে আসবেন এবং এমাসের শেষে তারা ফিরে গিয়ে যে প্রতিবেদন জমা দেবেন তার ওপরে অনেক কিছু নির্ভর করছে। বর্তমান পাকিস্তান সরকার ইতোমধ্যে অন্তঃত যে প্রতিশ্রুতি প্রদান করেছে, তা দ্বারা পর্যবেকদের সন্তুষ্ট হওয়া-না-হওয়ার অনেক মূল্য থাকবে। সত্যি কথা বলতে ইয়াহিয়াকে কোনো অর্থ নগদ প্রদান করার অর্থ হবে যুদ্ধকে আরো দীর্ঘস্থায়ী করা। যদি খাদ্যের সরবরাহ করা হয় তবে, পূর্ব-বাঙালিরা মনে করে, এটা প্রথমে দেয়া হবে সেনাবাহিনীকে, এবং বাকি যা থাকবে তা দমন-পীড়নের হাতিয়ার হিসেবে ব্যবহার করা হবে।

ব্রিটেনের জন্য সমস্যা হলো কায়েমী স্বার্থের রাজনীতির সঙ্গে মানবীয় প্রতিশ্রুতিকে কীভাবে সমন্বয় করা যায়। প্রাথমিক ধারণা অনুসারে যাদের সবচেয়ে বেশি দরকার তাদেরকেই খাদ্য ও চিকিৎসার সরবরাহ দেয়ার মাধ্যমে এই সমন্বয়-সাধন সম্ভব হতে পারে। এখানে দু-টো সুযোগ রয়েছে। প্রথমত, ত্রাণকার্য যেন আন্তর্জাতিক ব্যবস্থাপনায় পরিচালিত হয়, এব্যাপারে আমাদের জোর দিতে হবে। এক্ষেত্রে এমন নজির আছে যে পশ্চিম পাকিস্তানীরা এব্যাপারটায় বাধা প্রদান করবে। তবে এখানে সহজ একটা সমাধান আছে। উদ্বাস্তুশিবিরের পাঁচ বা ছয় মিলিয়ন লোককে খাওয়াতে ধনী দেশগুলো সরকারি অনুদান, জাতিসংঘ সংস্থাসমূহ ও স্বেচ্ছাসেবী সংগঠনসমূহের সাহায্য নিতে পারে। ভারত একাই সব সামাল দিতে পারবে না। আরেকটি সম্ভাবনাও আছে। সীমান্ত অঞ্চলে, আরেকবার বিশেষভাবে বলছি, গণতান্ত্রিকভাবে নির্বাচিত বাঙালি সরকারের সমর্থকদের মাধ্যমেও সরবরাহের কাজটি করা যেতে পারে।

সূর্যের নিচে শুয়ে থাকা মৃতদেহগুলো শিগগীরই বর্ষার পানিতে তলিয়ে যাবে। বর্তমানের কলেরা মহামারীর পূর্বে পাঁচ লাখ মানুষ ইতোমধ্যে মারা গিয়েছে। পশ্চিমা সাহায্য নিয়ে ইয়াহিয়া কয়েক মাস আরো বেশি যুদ্ধ চালিয়ে যেতে পারবেন যতক্ষণ না প্রথম শরতে প্রত্যাশিত দুর্ভিক্ষ চূড়ান্ত অবস্থায় পৌঁছে। তিনি তার ৮০,০০০ সৈন্যের বাহিনীর জন্য নাছোড়বান্দার মতো সাহায্য চাচ্ছেন যারা এখন বাংলাদেশে অবস্থান করছে এবং সাড়ে সাত কোটি বাঙালিকে পদানত রাখার জন্য। তিনি এদের নিয়ন্ত্রণ করতে চেয়েছেন আইয়ূব খানের পদচ্যুতির পর থেকেই, যিনি ছদ্ম বেসামরিক প্রশাসন গঠনের জন্য ফিরে এসেছেন। যদি কিছু নাও হয় ‘বাঙালিদের শিক্ষা দেয়া গেছে’ মনে করে একধরনের আত্মতৃপ্তি পেয়েছেন। কিন্তু তাকে অনেক কিছু হারাতে হবে, সম্ভবত পশ্চিম পাকিস্তানকেই, যে দেশটিতে অনেক জাতি রয়েছে এবং বিভিন্ন উপাদান দিন দিন অস্থির হয়ে উঠেছে। এমনকি তার চীনা বন্ধুরাও তাকে সাহায্য করতে নাও পারে, স্যামসনের মতো, তার চারপাশেও মন্দিরের সব পিলার ধ্বংস হয়ে পড়বে।

ইউরোপীয় সমাজতন্ত্রীরা কোনো কিছুতে সাম্রাজ্যবাদের গন্ধ থাকলে তা এড়িয়ে চলতে চায়, যা বোধগম্য কিন্ত বিপজ্জনক। কারো প্রকৃত প্রভাবকে অস্বীকার করে দায়িত্ব এড়ানো খুব সহজ। আমেরিকান বা আইএমএফ-এর সাহায্য-সরবরাহের সঙ্গে ব্রিটেনের সহায়তাকে খুব কমই তুলনা করা হয়। কিন্তু এরপরও ‘পাকিস্তান-জোটের’ ব্যাপারে আমাদের ভিন্ন মতামত রয়েছে। যদি আমরা ইয়াহিয়ার সেনাবাহিনীর জন্য অস্ত্র এবং সৈন্যদের জন্য মাখন কেনা বন্ধ করি, ফ্রান্স, ইটালি, হ্যান্ড, কানাডা ও পশ্চিম জার্মানির মতো অন্যান্য দেশগুলোও আমাদের মতোই পদক্ষেপ নেবে। ভারতীয় উপমহাদেশকে তারা বিশেষ ব্রিটিশ-ভাবনায় গুরুত্ব দেবে।

ইয়াহিয়াকে সাহায্য দিতে অস্বীকার করা নৈতিক ও ব্যবহারিক দিক থেকে সঠিক সিদ্ধান্ত হবে। তাকে যুদ্ধ বন্ধ করতে বাধ্য করা কেবল মানবীয় দুর্ভোগের ওপর সীমারোপই হবে না। ভারত ও পাকিস্তানের মধ্যে যুদ্ধ বেধে যাবার সম্ভানাকে তা হ্রাস করবে, যে-যুদ্ধ হবে ভয়াবহ এবং আন্তর্জাতিক সমস্যা যা থেকে বেড়েই চলবে। যদি কোনো দেশ এখন ইয়াহিয়া খান ও তার অনুগত অনুসারীদের সাহায্য প্রদান করে তবে সে-দেশ গণহত্যায় অর্থ প্রদানের অভিযোগ এড়াতে পারবে না

ছবির কৃতজ্ঞতা: ম্যাগনাম ফটোস

নতুন দু-জন মুকুটহীন রাজা

দি টাইমস, ৯ ডিসেম্বর, ১৯৭০

বিশেষ সংবাদদাতা

অনুবাদ: ফাহমিদুল হক

রাওয়ালাপিন্ডি, ডিসেম্বর ৮:

পাকিস্তানের নতুন দু-জন মুকুটহীন রাজার রাজনীতি ও দৃষ্টিভঙ্গির এতো বেশি পার্থক্য আছে যে, তারা যে দুই অংশের প্রতিনিধিত্ব করেন তার দূরত্বের চাইতে এই দৃষ্টিভঙ্গির দূরত্ব আরও বেশি। পশ্চিম পাকিস্তানের অবিসংবাদিত নেতা জুলফিকার আলি ভুট্টো জন্মেছিলেন লারকানায় ১৯২৮ সালে, একটি বিখ্যাত ও ঐতিহ্যবাহী সিন্ধি পরিবারে। তার পিতা মরহুম স্যার শাহনেওয়াজ খান ভুট্টো বোম্বে সরকারের একজন মন্ত্রী ছিলেন। তিনি ছিলেন ১৯৩০-এর দশকে বোম্বে প্রেসিডেন্সি থেকে সিন্ধুকে পৃথক করার আন্দোলনকারী এডভোকেটদের একজন। তার সন্তানকে উচ্চশিক্ষা প্রদান করা হয়। ক্যালিফোর্নিয়া ইউনিভার্সিটি থেকে রাষ্ট্রবিজ্ঞানে গ্র্যাজুয়েশন করার পরে ভুট্টো অক্সফোর্ডের ক্রাইস্টচার্চ থেকে জুরিসপ্রুডেন্সে এমএ সম্মান শেষ করেন এবং ১৯৫২ সালে তিনি লিংকনস ইন থেকে আইন পাস করেন।

সাউথহ্যাম্পটন ইউনিভার্সিটিতে প্রভাষক হিসেবে কিছুকাল কাজ করার পর তিনি পাকিস্তানে আইনব্যবসার মাধ্যমে জনজীবনে অনুপ্রবেশ করেন। ১৯৫৮ সালে আইয়ুব খানের বিপ্লবী সরকারে তিনি বাণিজ্যমন্ত্রিত্বে নিয়োগ পান। পরে তিনি কাশ্মিরবিষয়ক মন্ত্রণালয়ে মন্ত্রিত্ব গ্রহণ করেন। ১৯৬৩ সালে তিনি পররাষ্ট্রমন্ত্রি হিসেবে দায়িত্ব পান; কিন্তু তার আগেই তিনি আন্তর্জাতিকভাবে কাশ্মিরবিষয়ক একজন গুরুত্বপূর্ণ, নির্ভরযোগ্য বিশেষজ্ঞ ও বক্তা হিসেবে আবির্ভূত হন।

তরুণ আইনজীবী তার অফিসের দায়িত্ব গ্রহণ করার পর চীনের সঙ্গে সম্পর্ক নির্মাণের জন্য কাজ করা শুরু করেন এবং এবিষয়ে কোনো সন্দেহ নেই যে বর্তমানে চীন পাকিস্তানের পররাষ্ট্রনীতির ঘোর সমর্থক। সুশিতি ও শিষ্টাচারী ভুট্টো ভারতের সঙ্গে সরাসরি সংঘাতে ওকালতী করেন। তিনি তীব্রভাবে আমেরিকাবিরোধী এবং তিনি চান পাকিস্তান চীনের সঙ্গে ঘনিষ্ঠ হোক। অভ্যন্তরীন ক্ষেত্রে তিনি জোরালোভাবে ক্ষমতাধর কেন্দ্রীয় সরকারের পক্ষপাতী এবং বলে থাকেন যে মতায় গেলে তিনি ইসলামী সমাজতন্ত্র কায়েম করবেন।

‘বাংলার বাঘ’ শেখ মুজিবুর রহমান একটি মধ্যবিত্ত বাঙালি পরিবারে বড়ো হয়েছেন এবং বিক্ষুব্ধ বাংলার রাজনৈতিক ডামাডোলের মধ্যে তিনি পড়াশুনা করেছেন। এই ৪৮-বছর-বয়েসী নেতা কলেজে ১৯৩৯ সালে তার রাজনৈতিক ক্যারিয়ার শুরু করেন এবং তখন থেকে তার জীবনের বেশিরভাগ সময় জেলে ও জেলের বাইরে কাটিয়েছেন। ১৯৪৬ সালে তিনি প্রথম বাংলার প্রাদেশিক পরিষদে নির্বাচিত হন। কিন্তু দু-বছর পর রাষ্ট্রভাষা-বাংলা-দাবির আন্দোলনে জড়িত থাকার কারণে তিনি জেলে বন্দি হন। ১৯৬৪ সালে তিনি প্রাদেশিক সরকারে মন্ত্রী হন, কিন্তু এই অনলবর্ষী নেতা কয়েকমাস বাদেই আবার জেলে প্রেরিত হন। তাকে আরেকটি মন্ত্রিত্বের পদ দেয়া হয়, কিন্তু ১৯৫৭ সালে গণ-রাজনীতি সংগঠিত করা পরিত্যাগ করেন। ১৯৬২ সালে তিনি ঝিমিয়ে পড়া পূর্ব পাকিস্তান আওয়ামী লীগকে চাঙ্গা করেন এবং পার্টির সাধারণ সম্পাদক নির্বাচিত হন।

পরিহাস এই, দু-বছর আগে যে-লোকটিকে একজন বিশ্বাসঘাতক বলা হয়েছিল, তিনিই এখন পাকিস্তানের পরবর্তী প্রধানমন্ত্রি হবার ক্ষেত্রে সবচেয়ে সম্ভাবনাময় ব্যক্তি। তিনি যদি তা হতে পারেন তবে অবশ্যই দিল্লির সঙ্গে বন্ধুত্বপূর্ণ সম্পর্ক গড়ে তুলবেন। তিনি অবশ্যই পশ্চিমাপন্থী কিন্তু পাকিস্তানকে সিয়াটো ও সেন্টো থেকে প্রত্যাহার করতে চান। আপাতভাবে উদীয়মান উভয় নেতার জন্য এটাই সাধারণ মিলের একমাত্র জায়গা।

Dismemberment of Pakistan was not Inevitable

The inevitable catastrophe could be averted

The primary task of a multi ethnic country such as Pakistan was to create national consensus and working order among all the ethnic elites of the country. Unfortunately Pakistan was denied that by the power hungry unscrupulous ruling elites and forced the course of history towards the inevitable catastrophe.

Based upon the notion of consensus collaboration was needed to develop a strategy program emphasizing the following: –

1) The creation of representative government composed of all ethnic elites of the country.

2) The creation of a national consensus and a working order among different ethnicities.

3) The introduction and promotion of integrative national institutions to which all have an easy access.

4) The mobilization of the masses by the various ethnic elites for the goals and aspirations of the country.

5) To ‘nip in the bud ‘ any secessionist moves of ethnic groups. However this should not be accomplished by the force but through positive sanction.

6) To make sure that the economic trickle down to the masses, all ethnic groups should benefit on equal leve from economic development and modernization. The distribution of wealth and benefits within the various ethnic groups should be the responsibility of their respective elites.

This Strategy program was by no means a panacea. But it could leave us with the hope that inclusion and not exclusion of the ethnic groups within the national political structure was the key to unity of a multi-ethnic country. One may even assume with some justification that for justice the masses and the different ethnic groups could even tolerate for a certain time, a slow industrial growth rate and a rather hesitant pace of modernization. It seems to be easier than for an individual to be poor in a ‘just’ society where this neighbor does not constantly and conspicuously boasts about his ill-gotten gains. A State can only go up together. If it stands divided, it may give birth to a new nation or nations, which, it seems, make everybody or at least the concerned majorities poorer and the losers. Thus ethnic elites in multi-ethnic state should work together for their own good and that of the country. They may fight at certain times for advancing their particular ethnic interests, yet they should never loose faith in each other’s capabilities of tolerance, mutual understanding and compromise. Otherwise, the road to secession would definitely open as a bumpy and rather dangerous one-way street.

The custodians of ‘Islam and the ” Islamic State”, namely the Punjab-Muhajir dominated central governments from the very beginning looked upon the Bengalis as-trodden, backward people who had to be seen as a ‘special burden’ for the west Pakistan. They were convinced that Pakistani nationalism and its conspicuous penchant for economic development were secession would definitely open as a bumpy and rather dangerous one-way street.

However, it can’t be ignored that the economic policies of the Ayub government were instrumental in increasing the number of the incipient industrial entrepreneurs in East Pakistan. These fledging industrialists found the competition with the well entrenched and favored West Pakistani enterprises too hard, suffered from an acute sense of insecurity and inferiority, and therefore, they quickly joined hands with the vernacular Bengali politicians in their fight for more political autonomy for that region. Their fight for autonomy was some- what transformed by the Bengali industrialist into an effective instrument to put pressure on the central government to grant more economic concessions. In the struggle the cry for regional autonomy helped the diverse elements of Bengali populace to agree to converge to a single political platform.

The ruling elites unduly classified their Bengali compatriots as backward race with Hindu leaning. Such persistent attitude made substantial contributions towards the secessionist tendencies, yet to put Sheikh Mujib on trial was like signing the death warrant of an already moth-eaten fragile unity.

It has to be pointed out again that there was nothing new about Mujib’s six points program. Bengali members of the National Assembly on the floor of the House had expressed similar and virtually identical views many a time before. Only the timing of the announcement of the Agartala Conspiracy was important. It came at a time when the country was in the grip of a serious political crisis. People revolted everywhere in Pakistan against Ayub’s oppressive leadership and his dictatorial rule. President Ayub, far from rectifying the glaring ethnic disparities, had maintained and fortified the supremacy of the Punjabi-Muhajir elites. During the martial law era the Bengalis were hardly represented in the key positions of the central government. In the late 1960’s when the patience of the Bengalis began to wear thin. Worse was to come their leaders were being described by the central government as traitors and collaborators with an enemy power that is India. This was not certainly the kind of privilege the Bengalis had in mind when they had unequivocally opted for Pakistan in 1947. After all, and easily forgotten by the West Pakistani ruling class, the Bengalis had played the most significant role in the creation of Pakistan. Despite the apparently extreme nature of Sheikh Mujib’s demands, Pakistan was still dear to the hearts of the Bengalis. The Bengalis only wanted a bigger say in the running of the country. They longed for a political system, which emphasized the notion of equality and solidarity. They preferred, by all means, a parliamentary democracy to an absolute dictatorial rule, which strongly reminded them of Hindu domination and colonial exploitations. Therefore, it will be safe to suggest that in essence the Bengali struggle was for a well thought of objectives and not for an independent state of their own. It should be emphasized however, that at the time of Ayub’s departure, the secession of East Pakistan was not a foregone conclusion. In denying the Bengalis to fully participate in the economic and political life of the nation, the ruling coterie unknowingly pushed the Bengali elites towards their own masses and led them to revitalize their ethnic culture and language at the expense of national unity. Thus we can conclude that uneven development forced the Bengali elites to forge alliances with their mass against the central government and to replace nationalism by a vibrant ethnicity making that ethnicity the glue which holds the elites and the masses together. These phenomena: – uneven development, exploitation, deprivation and ethnicity are like leeches of the greediest kind- feed upon one another until the point of no-return is reached that is armed confrontation and insurrection.

Finally, the military junta decided to resolve the political crisis through the bullets and the guns. As a result, came the dreadful night of 25th march 1971. The Pakistan army launched its operation on the Bengalis to crush their political movement with unparalleled brutality. Thus the parting of ways became inevitable.

by Major Dalim