Category Archives: War Criminals and Colloborators


This page is dedicated to Prof Humayun Azad: academic, critic, linguist and poet, for his commitment to the demystification of the so-called Islamic politics of Jamat-e-Islami and like-minded extreme jihadi outfits (who are often ex-members of Jamat-e-Islami or its student organization Bangladesh Islami Chhatra Shibir.

Blast at a Bangla New Year’s Fair in Dhaka in 2001

Blast at a Bangla New Year’s Fair in Dhaka in 2001. Screenshot from video

The onslaught on secular Intellectuals during 2001-04 (click here for 1971)

Principal Gopal K Muhuri: 2001 Journalist Manik Saha Prof Azad: 27 Feb 04

Stats of bombings carried out by the Jamati/Jihadi terrorists

Date Location District Target Weapons used No of deaths No of injuries Updates
9 Sep 04 Chittagong Chittagong public-bomb scare bomb found in a bin on the street 1
9 Sep 04 Noapara public 4 bombs 800gm explosive material 3 arrested
9 Sep 04 Tekerhat public 5 kilos of materials 2 arrested
9 Sep 04 Faridpur Faridpur bomb scare 3 bombs, 3 round SLR bullets, explosive materials 13
9 Sep 04 Madaripur Madaripur Planned bomb scare 26,000 chocolate bombs captured
Sylhet exploded in the Jihadists’  house A shell of anti-aircraft gun (army issue) exploded 5
21 Aug 04 Rally against terrorism in front of AL office Dhaka Sheikh Hasina & key AL leaders Grenade & gunshot 19 300 A Hindu cyber cafe owner Partha Saha is arrested and maimed by police torture in custody. Govt is trying to implicate  Al and India
Shrine of Shah Jalal Sylhet Mayor Bomb
21 May 04 Shrine of Shah Jalal Sylhet The British High Commissioner Grenade 03 50 No progress
21 Feb 04 Fulbaria Mymensingh Rally on Language Movement day Bomb recovered from a water tank No progress
28 Jan 04 Winter fair, Golakandail, Rupgonj Narayangonj Visitors of centuries-old traditional winter fair bomb 02 20
12 Jan 04 Shrine of Shah Jalal Sylhet Religious congregation bomb 05 50
13 Feb 03 Islami Militants Camp (Jamaatul Mujahidin) at Chhoto Gurgola Dinajpur Documents revealed that terrorists were planning to bomb an open-air concert at Dinajpur Stadium and Festival of Painting Hena / Mehendi in hands. bombs exploded in the house of the jihadist 15 Accused were released by Court due to lack of evidence
17 Jan 03 Shrine of Pagla Pir at Shakhipur Tangail Village carnival bomb 07 20 No progress
6 Dec 02  Four Cinema Halls Mymensing Viewers Time bomb 27 300 No progress.
28 Sep 02 Gurpukurer Mela and Cinema Hall Satkhira Visitors of a folk festival a bomb went off at the fair. Another bomb was recovered from the cinema hall on the same day. 04 No progress.
26 Sep 01 Awami League public meeting Sunamgonj Supporters of a secular political party bomb 04 No progress.
23 Sep 01  Awami League rally   08 Bagerhat Election Campaign rally of a secular political party No progress.
16 June 01 District Awami League office Narayanganj Office of a Secular Political party a powerful bomb was detonated Police said the allegation against accused could not be proved. 22 50 A new case was filed accusing a number of AL activist
3 June 01 Church at Baniarchar Gopalgonj Christian community Time Bomb 10 25 No progress
14 Apr 01 Ramna Park, Dhaka Dhaka Dhaka People celebrating Bangla new years remote-controlled bombs were detonated 11 22 No progress
20 Jan 01 CPB Conference,
Paltan Ground
Dhaka Rally of Communist Party of Bangladesh Explosive implement underneath the earth 07 50 No progress
20 July 00 Kotalipara, Helipad Gopalgonj Attempt to assassinate the then Prime minister, Sheikh Hasina Two heavy bombs were planted at the helipad No progress
8 Oct 99 Ahmadiyya Mosque Khulna Prayer Center of Ahmadiyya sect. 08  No progress
6 Mar 99 Udichi Central conference   10 100 Jessore Cultural conference explosive implement
underneath the earth
10 100 Charge sheet submitted but the process was negated by the government allowing the accused to go free.

List of secular Bangalees killed by Jamati/Jihadi terrorists

Name Profile Location
Dr Yunus Prof of Economics, Rajshahi University, Vice President, Bangladesh Economists’ Society Rajshahi University campus
Dipankar Chakraborty Journalist, executive editor, Durjoy Bangla Bogra
Humayun Kabir Balu Chair Khulna Press Club and Editor The Janma Bhumi Khulna
Ahsanullah Master Member of Parliament, Awami League Gazipur
Manik Saha Journalist Khulna
Prof Humayun Azad Prof of Bangla literature, Dhaka University (attacked in Dhaka university campus but later died in Germany) Dhaka University campus
Manjurul Imam Lawyer
Bijan Bihari Lawyer
Sajjad Hossain Lawyer Chuadanga, Uthli
Kamrul Islam Kutu Opposition politician AL Ward 29 Khulna
Syed Faruq Ahmed News editor, Weekly Pubali Shrimangal
Harun-or-Rashid Senior Crime Reporter, Daily Purbanchol Khulna
Ahsan Ali Journalist, Daily Jugantor, Rupganj correspondent Gandhabpur,
Manjur Morhsed Labu General secretary, AL Khulna City-ward-19 Khulna
Wahab Ali Joardar Chair AYL, Atlia UP, Khulna Sadar Khulna
Chan Miyan Sikder Opposition politician
Alimuz Zaman Opposition politician Bagherhat
Bhupal Barma Opposition politician Chitalmari
SK Mukherjee Physician and organizer of the liberation war
Ataur Rahman Shanti Teacher and opposition politician Kotchandpur
Ahmed Ali Opposition politician Gangnei Upazilla Meherpur
Ibrahim Sardar Opposition politician Noapara municipality
Ali Hossain Opposition politician Chuadanga
Mashiur Rahman Bipu Opposition politician
Fazlur Rahman Opposition politician Sharsha, Jessore
Jamat-e-Islam: The Hard Facts

Jamat doesn’t preach Mohammedan Islam, it preaches Maududi version of Islam which is a combination of aggressive tribal values coated with quasi egalitarianism and Leninist party line combat tactics. Maududi was an installed and patronized by British imperialism and Jamat was originally created by CIA and trained by ISI to fight the communists so as to preclude the emergence of another socialist region comprising Nepal, Bangladesh, Tripura and West Bengal. Jamat emerged out of the researches carried out by various Orientalist institutions in UK, France and Germany and recommended, most likely, by TE Lawrence as an effective subversive method against the advancement of India.

Jamat-e-Islam as a political party did not grow from the grass-root level. It never had more than .2% representation in the parliament. The reason it became such a powerful fascist organization is it is installed by the British imperialists and then pampered by the neo-imperialists (US). The same imperialist strategy underlies the creation of HAMAS in Palestine and Jamat-e-Islami in Bangladesh. Jamat-e-Islam always pursued British agendas in British India and they presently pursue US interest in Bangladesh. Jamat-e-Islami never opposed the US attack on Iraq.

The net profit of Jamati investment per annum is 500,000,000,00 (10% of the annual budget of the Bangladesh government). Click here for a detailed report.

The sources of Jamati income are: Muslim NGOs (a billion-dollar industry supported by the Middle Eastern Islamic countries such as Saudi Arab, Libya and Iran) arms and drug trafficking, Arab Bangladesh Bank, private clinics, private universities, chain of kindergartens (Ideal) schools around the country, nearly 120,000 Islamic schools (madrasas), tea stalls, coaching centres, fax/photocopy shops.

The largest chunk of Jamati income is invested in order to install and reinforce Islamic ideology among the educated middle class. Private universities, namely North-South, IUB, are used as Jamati bases to launch an ideological campaign.

Hundreds of academics are kept on Jamati payroll in order to establish Islamic ideology as the dominant discourse. The opportunist intellectuals are paid to keep their mouth shut or to propagate Islam while the secular humanist/main conformist intellectuals are killed by Jamati goons.

Jamati terrorist cells are organized and operatives are trained by the military personnel of Pakistan Military Intelligence (ISI) and based on al-Qaida model. Jamati terrorist operatives are caught, home and abroad, teamed up with international al-Qaida operatives. Al-Qaida videos are used in training the Jamati operatives in various training camps in northern and southern districts of Bangladesh.

The most alarming form of Jamati activism is not the armed terrorism, torture and extortions, but the rapidly expanding Jamati control of the Bangladeshi minds through its domination in the educational institutions and media. While Islam is challenged everywhere around the world, Jamat succeeded in turning Islamic ideology into a discursive movement as Marxism was among the Bangalee intellectuals in the 1960s. Decontexualized English language (using Koran as texts for English language learning) is promoted in private schools and universities to install and advance Islamic ideology. Pro Jamati academics are appointed in all the major universities. The Jamati VC of National University created 600 posts overnight to Jamatize the whole university.


The idea that the Muslim-dominated parts of British India should become a separate country was articulated for the first time in a short essay written in 1933 by an Indian Muslim student at Cambridge, Rahmat Ali. He even proposed a name for the new state – Pakistan – which was an acronym based on the nations that would compose it: Punjab, Afghan (the Northwest Frontier), Kashmir, Indus (or Sindh) and Baluchistan. The new name also meant “the Land of the Pure.”

However, the acronym did not include India’s most populous Muslim province, East Bengal, and, at first, most Islamic groups opposed the idea of religious nationalism. The most prestigious Islamic university in the subcontinent, the Darul Uloom, was located at Deoband in Saharanpur district of what now is Uttar Pradesh in India, and its leaders strongly supported the Indian nationalist movement led by the Congress. The Jamat-e-Islami, which was founded in 1941 by Maulana Abul Ala Maududi and had grown out of the Deoband Madrassa (as the university became known) went to the extent of “alleging that the demand for a separate state based on modern selfish nationalism amounted to rebelling against the tenets of Islam.”

Key Jamati leaders

Top Jamatis are all war criminals of 1971: Gholam Azam, Saidi, Shaikhul Hadis, Amini, SAKA, Nizami & Mojahid. Click here for their criminal past.

But gradually, the Muslim League, led by Muhammad Ali Jinnah, won support for the Pakistan idea, and when India became independent in August 1947, two states were born: the secular but Hindu-dominated Union of India – and the Islamic State of Pakistan, which consisted of two parts, one to the west of India and the other to the east. The Jamat became one of the strongest supporters of the Pakistan idea, and, somewhat ironically, the Deobandi movement through its network of religious schools, or madrassas, developed into a breeding ground for Pakistan-centered Islamic fundamentalism. Over the years, the Deobandi brand of Islam has become almost synonymous with religious extremism and fanaticism.

The Deobandis had actually arisen in British India not as a reactionary force but as a forward-looking movement to unite and reform Muslim society in the wake of oppression the community faced after the 1857 revolt, or “Mutiny” as the British called it. But in independent Pakistan – East and West – new Deobandi madrassas were set up everywhere, and they were run by semi-educated mullahs who, according to Pakistani journalist Ahmed Rashid, “were far removed from the original reformist agenda of the Deobandi school.”

Much later, it was from these madrassas Afghanistan’s dreaded Taliban (“Islamic Students”) were to emerge. The Jamat was from the beginning inspired by the Ikhwan ul-Muslimeen, or the Muslim Brotherhood, which was set up in Egypt in 1928 with the aim of bringing about an Islamic revolution and creating an Islamic state. When they had come to accept Pakistan as that Islamic state, Bengali nationalism was totally unacceptable. The Jamat’s militants fought alongside the Pakistan army against the Bengali nationalists. Among the most notorious of the Jamat leaders was Abdul Kader Molla, who became known as “the Butcher of Mirpur,” a Dhaka suburb which in 1971 was populated mainly by non-Bengali Muslim immigrants. Today, he is the publicity secretary of Bangladeshi Jamat, and, despite his background, was granted a US visa to visit New York in the last week of June 2002. In 1971, he and other Jamat leaders were considered war criminals by the first government of independent Bangladesh, but they were never prosecuted as they had fled to Pakistan.

The leaders of the Jamat returned to Bangladesh during the rule of Zia and Ershad because they were invited to come back, and they also saw Ershad especially as a champion of their cause. This was somewhat ironic as Ershad was – and still is – known as a playboy and hardly a religiously-minded person. But he had introduced a string of Islamic reforms – and he needed the Jamat to counter the Awami League, and, like his predecessor Zia, he had to find ideological underpinnings for what was basically a military dictatorship. The problem was that the Jamat had been discredited by its role in the liberation war – but, as a new generation emerged, that could be “corrected.” Jamat’s Islamic ideals were taught in Bangladesh’s madrassas, which multiplied at a tremendous pace. The madrassas fill an important function in an impoverished country such as Bangladesh, where basic education is available only to a few. Today, there are an estimated 64,000 madrassas in Bangladesh, divided into two kinds. The Aliya madrassas are run with government support and control, while the Dars-e-Nizami or Deoband-style madrassas are totally independent. Aliya students study for 15-16 years and are taught Arabic, religious theory and other Islamic subjects as well as English, mathematics, science and history. They prepare themselves for employment in government service, or for jobs in the private sector like any other college or university student. In 1999, there were 7,122 such registered madrassas in Bangladesh.

The much more numerous Deobandi madrassas are more “traditional”; Islamic studies dominate, and the students are taught Urdu (the national language of Pakistan), Persian and Arabic. After finishing their education, the students are incapable of taking up any mainstream profession, and the mosques and the madrassas are their main sources of employment. As Bangladeshi journalist Salahuddin Babar points out: “Passing out from the madrassas, poorly equipped to enter mainstream life and professions, the students are easily lured by motivated quarters who capitalize on religious sentiment to crate fanatics, rather than modern Muslims.”

The consequences of this kind of madrassa education can be seen in the growth of the Jamat. It did not fare well in the 1996 election, capturing only three seats in the parliament and 8.61% of the votes.16 Its election manifesto was also quite carefully worded, perhaps taking into consideration the party’s reputation and the fact that the vast majority of Bangladeshis remain opposed to Sharia law and other extreme Islamic practices. The 23-page document devoted 18 pages to lofty election promises, and only five to explaining Jamat’s political stand. The party tried to reassure the public that it would not advocate chopping off thieves’ hands, stoning of people committing adultery or banning interest – at least not immediately. According to the NGO SEHD: The priority focus would be the alleviation of poverty, stopping free mixing of sexes and thus awakening the people to the spirit of Islam and then eventually step by step the Islamic laws would be introduced.

It is impossible to determine how much support the Jamat actually had in the 2001 election as it was part of an alliance whose various members voted for each other against the Awami League, but its 17 seats in the new parliament – and two ministers in the government – suggest a dramatic increase. Its youth organization, Islami Chhatra Shibir (ICS), is especially active. It is a member of the International Islamic Federation of Student Organizations as well as the World Assembly of Muslim Youth and has close contacts with other radical Muslim groups in Pakistan, the Middle East, Malaysia and Indonesia. One of its main strongholds is at the university in Chittagong, and it dominates the Deobandi madrassas all over the country, from where it draws most of its new members. It has been implicated in a number of bombings and politically and religiously motivated assassinations.

On April 7, 2001, two leaders of the Awami League’s youth and student front were killed by ICS activists and on June 15, an estimated 21 people were killed and over 100 injured in a bomb blast at the Awami League party office in the town of Narayanganj. Two weeks later, the police arrested an ICS activist for his alleged involvement in the blast.18 A youngish Islamic militant, Nurul Islam Bulbul, is the ICS’s current president, and Muhammad Nazrul Islam its general secretary.

For many years the mother party, the Jamat, was led by Gholam Azam, who had returned from Pakistan when Zia was still alive and in power. He resigned in December 2000, and Motiur Rahman Nizami took over as the new Amir of the party amid wide protests and demands that he be put on trial for war crimes he committed during the liberation war as the head of a notorious paramilitary force, the Al-Badar. In one particular incident on December 3, 1971, some members of that force seized the village of Bishalikkha at night in search of freedom fighters, beating many and killing eight people. When Nizami’s appointment was made public, veterans of the liberation war burnt an effigy of him during a public rally. In October 2001, Nizami was appointed minister for agriculture, an important post in a mainly agricultural country such as Bangladesh. His deputy, Ali Ahsan Muhammad Mujahid, became minister for social welfare. The terrorist attacks in New York on September 11, 2001, occurred during the election campaign in Bangladesh when the country was ruled by a caretaker government. But the outgoing prime minister, the Awami League’s Sheikh Hasina, and then opposition leader Khaleda Zia of the BNP, condemned the attacks and both, if they were elected, offered the United States use of Bangladesh’s air space, ports and other facilities to launch military attacks against the Taliban and Al-Qaeda in Afghanistan. Many Bangladeshis were moved by the loss of as many as 50 of their countrymen in the attacks on the World Trade Center. While some of them were immigrants working as computer analysts and engineers, most seem to have been waiters at the Window on the World restaurant who were working hard to send money back to poor relatives in Bangladesh. A Bangladeshi embassy official in Washington branded the attacks “an affront to Islam…an attack on humanity.” Jamat’s stand on the “war against terrorism,” however, contrasts sharply to that of the more established parties. Shortly after the US attacks on Afghanistan began in October 2001, the Jamat created a fund purportedly for “helping the innocent victims of America’s war.” According to the Jamat’s own announcements, 12 million Bangladeshi takas ($210,000) was raised before the effort was discontinued in March 2002. Any remaining funds, the Jamat then said, would go to Afghan refugees in camps in Pakistan.

Click here to view the Network of Jamati terrorist cells and organized bomb blasts around the country

Jamat-e-Islami of Bangladesh and the Regional Jihadi Networks

by Shahriar Kabir

Most national dailies of Bangladesh published on May 21, 2004, the gruesome photographic testimony of brutality of Bangla Bhai, the self-proclaimed militant fundamentalist, from greater Rajshahi area. The picture showed the dead body of Abdul Qayum Badshah (52) of the Raninagar of Naogaon district, hanging from the branch of a tree. It has been alleged that Badshah was a member of the Sarbahara Party. The Jihadi outfit, Jagrata Muslim Janata of Bangladesh (JMJB) brutally killed him and hung his dead body from a tree to warn the anti-fundamentalists of dire consequences that anyone opposing them.

Such grisly pictures were familiar during the liberation war of 1971. The Pakistani army used to kill the Bangladeshi freedom lovers and hung their dead bodies from the trees. They would at times hung them alive from the trees upside down and light fires below to roast living human beings. Alternatively, they skinned them alive while hanging. Again we saw such pictures in the Taliban’s Afghanistan. They killed pro-communist President Najibullah and hung his dead body publicly in Kabul. This was to demonstrate to their socialists and communist opponents what brutality the Mullah Omar’s Taliban were capable of. Now again after eight years, with Talibanist coalition Government of Bangladesh, we visited similar pictures of fundamentalist brutality.Three days after the publication of the vicious picture of hanging dead body of Badshah an appeal was published in Daily Janakantha, under the title, “ Aro asankhya gachhe asankhya lash jhule thakar aggei kichhu karun” (Please act before numerous more trees have innumerable more dead bodies hanging from them). This appeal was a letter from Shafiqpur High School’s Head Master Mahmud Musa, a victim himself, who wrote as follows:“I am the Head Master of Shafiqpur High School of Rani Nagar Sub-District, Naogaon District of North Bengal. My home is also in the same village. In the last fifteen years, I built this High School on own paternal property step by step, with the help of education loving public of the area and public representatives. With persistent personal effort, and in my small way, thus I had managed propagation of education in the area. On May 8th last the JMJB cadres attacked and razed to ground my four-roomed inherited paternal living quarters. This incident was published in various national dailies on May 16th, 2004. On the same day, another seventy houses were razed to the ground including that of another Head Master and an elected chairman. In these conditions, I and other members of my family have taken shelter in a nearby town. Before the tragedy of the destruction of our ancestral house and leaving the village could be absorbed, the JMJB cadres abducted my elder brother (Abdul Qayum Badshah) on Wednesday, May 19th. The next day they killed him after a public announcement in the microphone, all over the area. Later they hung his dead body from a roadside tree in the neighbouring Baman village, of Nandigram sub-district, of Bogra District. Newspaper readers have seen this picture on last May 21st. I heard that these butchers are looking for me. They will probably kill me with similar brutality and display my dead body if they can find me. I am also frequently hearing similar threats of life to other members of my family. Another brother of ours has stayed back in the village risking his life because it is now the harvesting time. They have once abducted him and after torturing him in their camp have let him go. Our family has a well- established reputation in the area. Our family has a tradition of association with progressive politics and culture. My father and brother both were established in the literature and social work in the area. We were also trying to perpetuate this tradition to the best of our ability. Probably that is now considered to be my family’s crime and mine.The state of Bangladesh has a government and an administration. The country has the police and an army. This area has an elected MP, who is a deputy minister. This district also has a responsible minister. There are many human rights organizations in this country. There is a civil society. There are a government and an opposition party. I want to earnestly appeal to all of them and their sense of responsibility and conscience. I want to let them know that a citizen and an ordinary teacher is now dangerously threatened and is at high risk of life. Would you not come to the aid of this teacher, who is a refugee from his own home with friends and family, due to danger to his life? Will none of you feel responsible enough to stop this medieval terror? Do these goons who have destroyed my home and killed my brother perpetrate it in my fate to continue to see horrors? Those who are not threatened today, how are they assured that they will not be threatened tomorrow? Who is giving them this assurance? Their silence today may turn too dangerous for tomorrow. It may be too late then. I appeal to the government, the administration and conscientious citizen – “ Please do something”. And please do it before you observe many more dead bodies dangle from roadside trees.” The writer of the above letter Mahmud Musa came to see me on 26th May. He came to inform me about the helplessness of his whole family. I asked him if his murdered brother was actually connected with the “Sarbahara Party”. Mahmud Musa said, “Maybe, but I do not know.” He stated, “Suppose my brother had done some crime, there is a government, police, a judicial court and law. If my brother was ordered hanged after the judicial procedure – I would have no complaint. But who is this Bangla Bhai? Is he the court or the government? By which law has he ordered the execution of my brother?” I asked Mahmud Musa if there were any pending cases against his brother with the police. The younger brother of the murdered confirmed that there were, some. But he claimed them to be all false cases. For example, he said there is a case with the date of crime 30/2/2000. Obviously there was never a 30th February. I asked him, what proof he had that Bangla Bhai’s JMJB had killed his brother. Musa said they (JMJB) have themselves announced and the newspapers have carried this in their report. Bangla Bhai’s 2nd in command Hemayet Hussain Himu, Jamat Amir (a leading position of Jamat-e-Islami party) of Raninagar sub-district. Muffajjal Hussain and Jamat’s former worker Abul Master lead a JMJB armed gang which abducted Badshah and three others. They have hung the dead body of Badshah on a roadside tree, the other three are still missing. I asked Mahmud Musa further whether they have filed a case (FIR) in the police station. He said, “No, not yet.” Badshah’s family is out of the area due to the militant acts of Bangla Bhai. He himself is unable to go back to his village. Additionally, police do not accept complaints against Bangla Bhai.

Police’s refusal to accept complaints against Bangla Bhai is very normal. It is published in the newspapers that the Police O.C. follows around as bodyguard of Bangla Bhai, the militant fundamentalist leader. The district A.S.P., the divisional D.I.G. are also the protectors of Bangla Bhai, hence in the greater Rajshahi area, there is no one with enough courage to complain against Bangla Bhai. Then he revealed why the fundamentalists were mad at his family. Their family is a politically conscious family of the area. Family wise they have been associated with left movements and he once was a member of left-oriented National Awami Party of Bangladesh. Badshah and Musa’s father Abdul Kader was a participant of the Tebhaga movement. Ila Mitra personally knew Abdul Kader. His grandfather Sakim Sardar and great grandfather Kasim Sardar were known to Rabindra Nath Tagore and had hearty relation with him. Patisar, the famous Tagore Zamindari, skirts Raninagar area. In Ahmed Rafiq’s research paper on Tagore, there is a description of Rabindranath’s friendly relations with Kasim Sardar of Raninagar. In their family, they still learn and practice Rabindra Sangeet. They also have a tradition of reading modern literature. They had family relations with Ismail Hussain Siraji. The books that police party confiscated from their house included books by Aroj Ali Matobbar and Ahmad Safa. Musa said JMJB did not allow this year’s Rabindra Jayanti celebration at Patisar. They said, “You can’t sing Rabindra Sangeet – you have to sing Hamd and Naa’t.”Musa does not know when they will be able to go back to their home, destroyed by Bangla Bhai. Due to the terrorist activities of militant Bangla Bhai, hundreds of people have left the area. This has been admitted by Maolana Abdur Rahman, JMJB’s Amir and spiritual guru of Bangla Bhai. In an interview with Asaduzzaman Samrat of Ajker Kagoj, Maolana Rahman explained that in the greater Rajshahi area, in seven sub-districts, in this task of suppressing ‘the Sarbaharas’ they had active cooperation of Post and Telecommunication Minister Barrister Aminul Haq, Housing and PWD Deputy Minister Alamgir Kabir, Land Minister Ruhul Quddus Talukdar Dulu and member of Parliament Nadim Mustafa. In Bagmara, where their activities are at the peak, even MP Abu Hena is not opposing their action. They are getting full cooperation with the administration. He said there is widespread support among ordinary people of the area. In a short time, they have arrested fifty people and found a huge amount of weapons. More than five thousand Sarbahara have surrendered. (Ajker Kagoj, 13 May 2004). The atrocities of Bangla Bhai, under the shelter of two BNP ministers, three MPs and Police have become so widespread that he has not been bothered by the arrest warrant ordered by the Prime Minister (before her departure for China). He is very safely and openly moving around in the area, without any cover. On May 23rd last Bangla Bhai’s stormtroopers have marched in Rajshahi under police protection and displayed their arms. They came to the city riding on hundreds of motorcycles and mini-buses and submitted a memorandum to the administration. The police officers have congratulated the so-called Jihad of Bangla Bhai against the Sarbahara group.The militant activities of self-styled militant fundamentalist Ajijur Rahman, aka Siddiqul Islam, aka “Bangla Bhai”’ are being published in Bangladeshi national daily newspapers again since April 1st week of this year. In August of last year, militant fundamentalist organization Jamiatul Mujaheddin (JM)’s members were in the limelight, when they attacked police to decamp with arms, ammunitions and the wireless sets. At that time reportage on their activities continued for about 20/21 days. In January of 1999, militant fundamentalist organization Harkat-ul Jihad al Islami’s (HUJI) killers were in the news when they attacked poet Shamsur Rahman at his home. At that time Dhaka newspapers serially published a story of their fundamentalist militant activities. But the present coverage of Bangla Bhai’s JMJB is more widely covered. The organization was once secret and after a few arrests – the reportage subsided. This time however the reportage is continuing even after eight to nine weeks and will not subside till fundamentalist militant Bangla Bhai is arrested and JMJB banned.In 1999 and in 2003 we were stunned and frightened to know the countrywide militant fundamentalist network of HUJI and JM, respectively. Like the underground tunnel network of a sly fox, the network of these militant organizations is spread all over the country. The reason JMJB is getting more reportage is: HUJI and JM are not open organizations, but JMJB, is. Hadn’t HUJI’s potential killers were not caught on January 18, 1999, while trying to kill poet Shamshur Rahman, we would not have known about their presence in Bangladesh. Initially, only three were captured who admitted their association with HUJI. Later, based on their admission police arrested another forty-eight person of which one was South African and another Pakistani. All these facts have been published in various national newspapers.On 24th January 1999, Daily Ittefaq had published, based on an investigative report, that twenty-eight other prominent artists, poets and novelists were on the hit list of HUJI. In a publication, Afghan Atlas, published from Nebraska University, USA an important research paper states, “ bin Laden has ISI’s logistics and intelligence support. HUJI and quite a few of Pakistan’s militant organizations have a connection to bin Laden. HM has a connection with Dhaka based Jihadi Islami, the organization whose assignment is to recruit Bangladeshi and Indian Muslims to fight in Kashmir.” At that time the Pakistani citizen Mohammad Sajjid and South African Ahmed Sadeq Ahmed had admitted to police that bin Laden had given them two crore Taka ( more than 300,000 US dollars) to build a Taliban-style militant group in Bangladesh. This money they had spent via 821 madrassas. (Reuters, Jan 28, 1999).In spite of such concrete proof, police submitted such weak charge sheet, that the superior court criticized police for weak charge sheet. It has been seen in the last seven years that whether it is JM or HUJI – police arrested them when there are hue and cry in the newspapers – later they submitted such weak charge sheets that criminals were let go or released on bail. There is never any problem for them to get out of jail. Last year the militant cadre of JM, who were arrested red-handed with arms and seditious pamphlets, they had no problem to get out of jail on April 2nd of this year. The present Inspector General of Police has been alleged to be a collaborator of the genocidal Pakistani army of 1971 and the current Home Secretary is known to have a Jamat connection. Thus it can be clearly surmised why to arrest or keep in custody the militant fundamentalists or to judiciously run the criminal cases against them is not on cards for the Khaleda-Nizami government. Whenever there has been any allegation against any activities of the militant fundamentalists, immediately the Jamat-e-Islami chief and Industries Minister of the coalition government Matiur Rahman Nizami states that Jamat has no relation with militant fundamentalists. On last 24th May, he again stated in a news conference, “Jamat does not have any relation with so-called JMJB or Bangla Bhai. Jamat does not have any relation with Hijbut Tahrir, Hijbut Tawheed, JM or similar organizations.“ (Janakantha, 25th May 2004). On the same day at a news conference sponsored by Ekatturer Ghatak Dalal Nirmul Committee( EGDNC) and South Asia People’s Union Against Fundamentalism and Communalism, Professor Kabir Choudhury said, “On January of this year in Sylhet, at Hazrat Shah Jalal’s Mazar, there was bombing and five persons were killed. In February, the powerful voice against fundamentalism, Professor Humayun Azad was attacked with a machete and he survived narrowly. Again on May 21, at the same Mazar of Hazrat Shah Jalal, an attempt was made on the life of the newly-appointed British High Commissioner to Bangladesh. In this attack, another three persons were killed and nearly a hundred were injured. Even though the British High Commissioner survived the attempt on his life, he is still in the hospital. Even though the investigative reporters of Bangladesh’s national dailies found a member of the coalition Jamat-e-Islami responsible for the terrorist act, the coalition government, in an attempt to protect Jamat, has taken no action.”The US Asst. Secretary of State Christina Rocca expressed displeasure about the activities of Bangla Bhai, during her 3-day visit to Bangladesh, on May 18th, last. She asked Jamat leader Matiur Nizami about Bangla Bhai’s whereabout. (Janakantha, 20th May 2004). Obviously, before coming to Bangladesh she must have done her homework on the related information and documents of proof in this regard. If Bangla Bhai did not have any relation with Jamat, Ms Rocca would not have asked Nizami about this issue, since the issue is not about his Industries Ministry, but his party Jamat-e-Islami. No one else is expected to know better than Nizami in this regard. The chief of Jamat is an influential member of the present cabinet. Thus there is no possibility asking Nizami under arrest and oath about his party’s relation to JMJB, Jamiatul Mujaheddin or other militant organizations of Bangladesh. If such a hypothetical scenario ever happens, the close links between Nizami’s Jamat-e-Islami and the Islamic extremist organizations would have been divulged in a second. In August of last year, JM militants had a clash with police and a few were arrested, Jamat, as usual, said they had no connection with Jamat. Again on May 20th of this year, Nizami repeated the same story to Ms Rocca. But in last August all Bangladeshi newspapers had published reports about the relation between Jamat and Jamiatul Mujaheddin. When police raided the house of Montajurul Islam, the chief accused of Khetlal militant attack, the documents they found not only had distinct proof of Jamat connection to JM but also to al Qaeda in Afghanistan. Also in August of 2003, three books written by Maulana Masud Azhar were found in the Jamiatul Mujaheedin office in Jaipurhat. Pakistan based Jaish-e Muhammad‘s commander Masud Azhar’s name flashed across the newspaper headlines in the sub-continent in December of 1999 when Indian Airlines flight number IC 414 was hijacked. The Islamic extremists hijacked the passenger plane to Afghanistan with a primary demand to release the militant leader Masud Azhar. The Indian government was forced to release him to meet the demand of the hijackers. When he was arrested in India he had submitted in his deposition the following facts: He was born in Bhawalpur in Pakistan on July 10th, 1968. His father was a Deobandi type, a strictly religious person. He joined Harkatul Mujaheddin (HM) during his student days and went to Afghanistan as a Jihadi per instruction of the organizational head Maolana Fajlur Rahman Khalil. In 1993 catching an Air Emirate flight he flew into Dhaka, Bangladesh accompanied by Sajjad Afghani. Then he went to Karachi but Sajjad Afghani went to India. In January 1998 he again came to Bangladesh, on a Portuguese passport, to enter India. On January 29th he boarded a Bangladesh Biman flight to New Delhi. In February, on his way from Delhi to Srinagar, he was arrested. ( me of Khetlal terrorist attack, Jamat declared, that the principal accused Montajurul Islam was expelled from their party two years earlier. But according to published newspaper reports Montajurul had applied for becoming Roqan (Jamat-e-Islami’s senior hierarchical position) of the Jamat and these papers were found by the police. While Police is not admitting publicly to the news reporters any connection between Jamat and JM, they admit that diaries found in the terrorist hideouts provide a full list of workers and leaders of Jamat and Shibir.“…The following were also found during the search there: a. Election leaflets of Abbas Ali Khan, ex-Amir of Jamat. b. An application for monetary help from Sirajul Islam, a local Beniapara madrassa student to the Jamat funding organization Baitul Maal. 3. A Baniapara Ahmedia Madrassa receipt book for donations received. 4. A copy of Dhaka’s Bengali daily Bhrorer Kagoj dated February 13, 1995. The newspaper had the headlines in Bengali: “Rajshahi University declared closed – two dead in Chhatradal- Shibir clash – more than 150 injured. “After the militant-police confrontation, police informed that in the hideout they also found: 1. Many books and publications belonging to Jamat and Shibir. 2. Monogrammed diaries of many Shibir activists. The recent full day’s investigation has yielded that the building where the militants had congregated for training was owned by Jamiatul Mujaheddin leader Montajurul Islam. In the concerned area, processions were taken out under the leadership of Montajurul, more than a months before January 20, 2003, brutal murder of five persons in the Pir place of Begunbari sub-district. He had openly declared in these rallies that they would oppose and annihilate any anti-Islamic activity in the area, soon after which the brutal murders were conducted. The absconding militant leader was seen in the open, hobnobbing with the Jamat leaders and was also actively building armed JM organization. Many sources in the area inform that he regularly trained more than 100 persons military and guerrilla tactics and warfare, in his private compound. Additionally, letters have been found which clearly establishes Jamat and Jamiatul Mujaheedin connections. In this letter district Jamat secretary, Abdul Matin Sardar had given Montajurul Islam a significant number of organizational directives. (see Bhorer Kagaj, 20th August 2003). In all Dhaka newspapers including prestigious “Daily Star”, “Prothom Alo” and “Janakantha”, in their investigative reports have stated that the Bangla Bhai’s, JMJB is the open manifestation of banned organization JM.It has been noticed that whenever the government is under pressure from donor nations they ban the fundamentalist organizations and arrest some of their operatives. Then soon after the banned organizations and operatives resurface under a different name, with the same activities. The jailed activists are soon released, as usual. The jailed militants came out of prison on April 2nd, 2004. The same day’s Janakantha carried the news that in Rajshahi, under police protection, the militants attacked and mercilessly butchered a person named Babu, who was allegedly a Sarbahara activist. They shouted slogans like, ” Nara e Takbir, Alla ho Akbar.” Since then for the next eight weeks, the news of Bangla Bhai’s of JMJB has been reported in Bengali media with a clear reference of the organization’s link with Jamat and Afghan Taleban. The brother of Badshah,(the Hanging dead body of May 21), Mr. Mahmud Musa informed that Jamat’s Raninagar Amir, Mufajjal Hussain was in the team of Badshah’s abductors.In the long sixty-three years of Jamat-e-Islami’s history, there is no example of any of their leaders ever accepting the blame/responsibility for any of their misdeeds. In 1953 Jamat’s Chief Maududi was charged with the murder of thirty thousand innocent Ahmadiya in Pakistan’s Lahore, after a riot in which that many had lost their lives. Maududi was prosecuted, proven guilty and sentenced to death by hanging. Yet until today, Jamat has not acknowledged that they were responsible for the massacre of innocents. During Bangladesh’s war of independence, Jamat-e-Islami’s militant wings like Razakar, Al Badr and Al-Shams were formed simply to assist Pakistan army’s perpetration of genocide, which they did in the name of protection of Islam. They tortured and murdered the freedom fighters and intellectuals in large numbers, which were published in their own party paper“Daily Sangram”. Now, however, they say that they were not involved in those murders but Awami League was. I had retorted to this blatant lie in a BBC interview. I stated that if we had to assume that Nizami or Jamat was not involved in the preparation of the list of intellectuals till the last days of 1971’s Bangladesh liberation war, then we had to assume that Nizami was an Awami League activist in 1971. In that context, we were supposed to believe that “Daily Sangram” was the party paper of Awami League. This is the same daily, which published vivid details of many massacres by Al Badr of freedom fighters with glowing tributes. And lastly, Nizami himself wrote many columns to inspire Al Badr cadres to kill the freedom fighters, in this ignoble newspaper.There is a commonality of purpose between the Nizamis and the JMJB, JM and other Islamist fascist outfits. Every one of them has a goal to establish an “Islamic state” in Bangladesh like the one under the Taliban in Afghanistan, with a Koran and Shari’a-based law. Where is the difference between Jamat and these militants, in goal and ideal? It is now quite evident the main pillars of Jamat’s politics are: lies, deception and slyness. When Matiur Rahman Nizami says that he and Al Badr have no connection with 1971’s mass murder of the Bangladeshi intellectuals, or Bangla Bhai or Montajurul have no connection with Jamat – the lies became very glaring and self-evident. If everything is false then why does police look for Shibir activists after the bomb attack on the British High commissioner, at Shah Jalal’s Mazar in Sylhet? Why did Christina Rocca ask Nizami, and not others, “What about the whereabouts of Bangla Bhai?”According to psychologists, continuous lying develops into a type of mental disorder. Nizami is so much overtaken by this disorder that soon a day may come when Nizami would say, “I have no relation with Jamat” or maybe– “I am not Nizami.” Nizamis may think that the people of Bangladesh are fools, as they perceived them in 1971. They claimed then that without Pakistan there would be no trace of Islam in the face of the earth. In 1971, the people of Bangladesh, buried Pakistan, the beloved land of Nizami and his likes, to create Bangladesh. In 1971 also Jamat had a two-member representation in the cabinet and they jubilantly performed all the murders and atrocities. They are repeating the story, now, again. Had anyone in March 1971 envisioned that the burial of Pakistan and Jamat would have been conducted only nine months later, in these very banks of Buri Ganga in Dhaka? The Dhaka of 1971 is now a metropolis. The progeny of the three million martyrs and this old city are waiting eagerly and are counting the days for the upcoming disaster of Jamat.

Shahriar Kabir is a writer and a human rights activist in Bangladesh

Taliban Factory

What does “Taliban” mean? Taliban is an Arabic word that is a plural form of the word student who studies Holy Koran and Hadiths. Afghani Taliban, the pure (Pukka) Muslims on earth, existed for several years after Mohamed. We are so lucky; we had a great chance to see some fresh Muslims a few years ago. These warm-blooded Muslims are gently trained and boosted by their spiritual masters in the factories. The biggest Taliban factories are the Arab-based “Madrasahs,” which are scattered throughout the Islamic kingdoms. Likewise, there are thousands of Taliban factories in the West. But, because of the western influences, the factories turn into a small size that can be called “the mini Taliban factory.” The question is, “where are the factories located in the lands of Kafirs?” These mini-factories are nowhere but in many Masques, Islamic Learning Centers, and reserved rooms in universities & colleges. There is another question left, that is, “then who are the mini Taliban in the West?” The simple answer for that question is: the mini Taliban are the devout Muslims and hard-core Islamists who smoothly get energized in the mini-factories.

Since I almost grew up in North America, please let me focus on its territories where I know hundreds of Muslims who are from around the world. I often talk to many Muslims and Islamists on the phone, and I sometimes meet them in their residences, Islamic Learning Centers, Masques, and many other places. Whenever I talk and meet them, I always discover a 100% identical idea from almost all Muslims. Therefore, I get to know what most Muslims think and try to do. I never, however, get to hear from the factories about any progressive work that could be beneficial for USA or Canada. Today, I will be discussing the roles and ultimate goals of the mini Taliban for North America (the USA and Canada). Now let’s see some of their (the mini Taliban) functions.

The roles:
a) Duties in the schools:
While attending in the universities and colleges, mostly international and newly immigrated Muslim students (basically from the Middle East and Pakistan) build a “Muslim Association” beside their educations where the first job is to hunt down all Muslim names from the school catalogues (if possible) or any source. The devoted Muslim students do not hesitate to go up to the people who are like Middle Eastern & East Indian and have kind of dark or brown skin colour. Then those Muslim students ask people’s full name. If the names sound like Muslim names, they try to pick,
and they invite and want the fellows to join the Muslim Association. When the loyal Muslim students obtain Muslim names, phone numbers, and addresses from the new people, they make a well-patterned list. And then the Muslim students book a room or mini hall room in the Kaffirs’ universities and colleges for the Islamic performances and rituals where they invite other Muslims and Islamists.

b) Duties in both schools and other places:
Islamists advise every Muslim keeping 1000 feet away from Jews and not hanging out with the infidels, such as host Canadians and Americans.  Islamists want Muslim women to use Islamic dress code “Borkha (veil).” Islamists suggest that all Muslim children should be raised in a 100% Islamic way. If any person is a Jewish nominee, the Islamists produce and pass significant advice to the listed or known Muslims not to vote a Jew. It does not matter whether the candidate is a good person or not, but his or her religion i.e. Judaism is very important to most Muslims. Islamists ask all possible Muslims not to buy meats from the Kaffirs’ stores like Safeways, Superstores, Loblaws, etc. because the fresh and hygienic meats are considered “Haram.” Hard-core Islamists in the group particularly focus on Coca Cola, MacDonald’s, and KFC to quit them because they are American products. As well, Islamists frequently discuss to leave all types of American and British products, mostly American ones. It seems to be so funny to me that any Muslim or civilized person can never be able to quit US and UK products. Islamists and other Muslims evaluate the problems for only Kashmiri, Palestinian, and other Muslim brothers and sisters. Islamists hand out the Salat and fasting schedules to the Muslims as many as possible. I appreciate this work.

Some of the Muslim students and young Islamists know computer programming (Kaffirs’ one of the greatest inventions). Thus, they make hundreds of Islamic programs, mini software, and files (like Islamic miracles, lucky words, etc.), and then they send and forward these Islamic computing-products via e-mails to the Muslim name holder people. Young-adult Islamists and Muslim students are so excited as well. They do not wait even for a second to build hundreds of Islamic websites to brag out Islam is a good and true religion.

Some questions to consider:
1) In the universities and colleges, is any “Muslim Association” concerned about the improvement of the schools, or do these organizations usually participate in the school-development programs? The answer is negative. No usual evidence can be found from the university or college student unions. 2) Do the “Muslim Associations” and other Islamists ever discuss the progress of the USA or Canada where they live? OOO!! Never.
3) Do Islamists feel sympathy and talk over in the Masques and Islamic Centers or anywhere when some Canadian or US soldiers die in any war? Impossible!! That is not Islamic. 4) Do Islamists or the devout Muslims ever protest for the Muslim women and non-Muslims when they are in the Islamic paradises the second and third-class citizens respectively? NO!!! But, yes, Islamists raise their voice to upgrade Islam in the USA and Canada without any challenge. 5) Do Islamists or Muslims ever pray to Allah for the Kaffir officers who granted visa and immigration papers
for the USA or Canada??? HMM!! Never heard a good response from any Muslim so far. 6) Do Islamists or Muslims ever pray for the Kaffirs in every Salat (prayer) in the Masques which are at least granted and partially funded by the Kaffirs or infidels, Jews, Christians, and so on? The Answer is big “NO.” 7) Did Islamists pray in the North American Masques for the innocent Kaffir people who died in 11-September tragedy? Oops!! Nope!! (Now the whole world knows Allah’s best code of life and how He teaches.) 8) Do Islamists or their organizations participate for any national and social work which they (Islamists) at least should do as residents or citizens of the USA or Canada? I do not think they do. (I find most Muslims busy in the Masques and Islamic Centers discussing Islam and Muslim brotherhood mostly at the weekend and on the statutory holidays. I was amazed on Remembrance Day, 2003 when I went to a big Masque in X area. I found not a single Muslim ever pronounced a single word for those who fought and died in WW2. All I heard was the same stories of Islam and brotherhood).

Please consider these also:
Do all types of Muslims (mostly under 40) from every Islamic country prefer to settle in North America? Of Course!
2. Do many Muslims even want to pay thousands of dollars for the fake visas or passports just to get to North America? YES.
3. Do Islamists or Muslims want citizenship from the USA and Canada? Of Course! YES, who wants to miss this opportunity?
4. Is it true that Islamists or Muslims or whoever needs to take OATH in order to receive citizenship for the Kaffir lands USA or Canada? YES.
5. Is it a national threat or offence if any guest citizens violet the oath that they took by raising the right hand? YES.
6. Do any work by the Islamists or Muslims that you have already read look like they are with the interest of USA or Canada? NO. I do not think at all.
7. Do the Islamists or Muslims want to install Islam in the USA and Canada? YES. Absolutely. No doubt of it. Do they want and expect to rule the USA and Canada as per Allah’s true words? YES. So, do those Islamists or Muslims break the words which they (Islamists) promise to US or Canadian government? YESSSS.

Now, can’t I (or any sane person) say that Islamists or most Muslims are betraying and cheating the US or Canadian govt. by dishonouring the oath? Then, can’t those Islamists or Muslims be called “betrayers?” Dear readers please go ask any Islamists or devout Muslims who reside in the USA and Canada whether they want the Islamic light (Noor) or not where they live. I bet my bottom dollar, all of them spontaneously reply you, “YES, OF COURSE, WHY NOT?” Here it is! Islamists or most Muslims have a higher expectation to get united and make a huge Ummah to establish Allah’s best code of life in USA and Canada.

Well, let’s see some of the Islamic symbols if these were imposed in the USA and Canada by the betrayers. In general, primarily, the following things we might expect to experience: 1) All white and other ladies will be forced to use Borkhas (veils) leaving skirts, tight jeans, shorts etc. Also, no lady can ever show her beauty to the guys as per the Islamic rules. 2) All white and other ladies can not work in the workplaces and attend in the class rooms with boys. 3) All white and other ladies will not be able to go out of their home and hang out on the streets without any guy. If so, ladies will receive some Islamic rewards like “lashings (Dorrah).” 4) Openly, liquor stores will not survive. 5) Hopefully, Mohamed’s language Arabic will be the prime language rather than Kaffirs’ language English and French (French i.e. in QB and NB, Canada). 6) FBI (Federal Bureau of Investigation) in the USA will turn into IBA, that is, Islamic Bureau of Investigation, and RCMP (Royal Canadian Mounted Police) in Canada will become ICMP i.e. Islam Canadian Mounted Police. ICMP will act like “Muttawallee” (a special type of police force that is to look after and impose Islamic laws to the common people). 7) Canada’s head of state is Queen Elizabeth 2; after the Islamic revolution, Allah will be the head of state of USA and Canada.8) Islamists will build Masque at every block. As a result, we will hear loud Azan (prayer call) 5 times a day, 365 days a year. As well as, Islamic reciting (Khutba, Koran Teloat) will often reach to our ears beside loud Azan. (All of these exist in the Islamic soils). 9) Islamists will flood with full Madrasahs, Islamic Learning Centers, Tablighs (meeting) Centers, and Majar Sharifs (e.g. Ajmir Sharif in India) as well. 10) Islamists will never authorise any organisations like NASA that plays with Allah’s mystery of the universe and makes Muslims’ holy moon dirty. 11) I hope Islamists will NEVER tolerate Hollywood, so Islamists will instantly terminate it.12) Financial institutions that offer credit card, mortgage, lease etc. will be eliminated by the Islamists because these financial products depend 100% on interest. Interest is Haram in Islam. 13) Islamists will soon drive out the Haram food items which are made of Haram pork like bacon, sausage, pepperoni, and so forth. 14) Islamic butchers will be ready to invade all meat firms to slaughter animals in the name of Allah to make meats 100% Halal. 15) Islamists will never allow semi-naked women in the lakes, sea beaches, and swimming pools. So, the sun-bath process, swimming, etc. in the USA and Canada will permanently be locked for women.

In fact, there are lots more things to write. I think, for today, I shall not continue anymore. For the rest, you readers can take a guess. The mini Taliban factories in the west vigorously encourage the Muslims to get united and invade the West by Islam. Eventually, what would be then if USA and Canada got Islamized? North America would become like the Kingdom of Saudi Arabia, Iran, and former Talibani Afghanistan. Am I dead wrong? Dear readers, if you are Muslims and live in the continent of USA or Canada, please honestly tell us- do you support the mini Taliban and want them to launch the pure Islam in North America?

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War Criminals: Pakistan Army

Victim of Pakistani holocaust 

During the liberation war of 1971, Pakistani occupation army led by General Yahya Khan and his colleagues in collaboration with the anti liberation forces (Jamat, Muslim League, and other Islamic fundamentalist groups) of Bangladesh killed a total of 3 million unarmed Bangalees, molested and raped about 4, 50, 000 Bangalee women and,  on the eve of the independence, murdered hundreds of leading intellectuals to spiritually cripple the nation. A crime far exceeds, in its atrocity and inhumanity, the crimes of Hitler, Melosovitch, the nazis and the fascists. The war criminals of Bangladesh liberation war were never tried and  they have never apologized for their crimes to the nation. Muktadhara,  on behalf of the Bangalees of Bangladesh, appeals to the world for the trial of those war criminals. Crimes of Pakistan occupation army in the Bangladesh liberation war of 1971:

  1. Killing of 50,000 Bangalees in Dhaka on 25 and 26 March, 1971 under the military operation code named ” operation searchlight”.

2 Ruthless massacre of 3 million unarmed Bangalees over nine months of armed occupation by Pakistani military.

  1. Senseless and wanton loots, rapes, arson and killings in Bangladeshi countryside during the course of the “sweeping operations” following the military crack down.
  2. Preplanned killings of intellectuals and professionals like doctors, engineers, civil servants, students and social workers  and burying them in mass graves over nine months occupation to spiritually cripple the Bangalees.
  3. Killing of Bangalee officers and soldiers of the units of the East Bengal Regiment (EBR), East Pakistan Rifles (EPR) and the East Pakistan Police force in the process of disarming them.
  4. Planned killing of  Bangalee civilian officers, businessmen and industrialists, or their mysterious disappearance from their homes by or at the instance of Pakistani army officers performing martial law duties.
  5. Rapes and molestation of 450,000 Bangalee women by the officers and soldiers of Pakistani occupation army as a deliberate act of  revenge, retaliation and torture.
  6. Use of thousands of Bangalee women as sex slaves and comfort girls in military camps and bunkers by the members of all ranks of Pakistani occupation army.
  7. Ethnic (Hindu) cleansing. Forced pregnancy of Hindu women and deliberate killing of Hindu males to exterminate Bangalee Hindus as a race.
  8. Massive destruction of Bangladeshi industries and institutions. Loots, extortions and forced possession of Bangladeshi assets and taking them over to Pakistan.


Skulls found in a mass grave: evidence of Pak army’s atrocities

“I curse today those devils of hell

who compelled me to run up the stairs

with my feet deep in the blood

of my parents,

float on rivers,

and make my bed in wild forests.

I curse them :

let them forever wander

with rotting bodies

hung around their emaciated necks.

I curse them :

when at the close of each day

they beg on their knees

for a piece of dry bread,

it will always stay ten feet away

from their outstretched palms.

their cup for quenching thirst

will always fill to the brim

with blood,

the blood with which they flooded

the soil of Bangla.

I curse them !”

I Curse Them: Shamsur Rahman


Top Pakistani War Criminals

General Yahya Khan

General Yahya was the president of Pakistan in 1970. He was supposed to hand the political power over to the winner of the national election of 1970: Sheikh Mujibur Rahman as his Awami league won 162 seats out of 168 seats, more than double of his west Pakistani counterpart Bhutto. Sheikh Mujib’s unprecedented victory in the general election was a crushing blow to the Panjabi military -feudal axis. So they involved in a pact known as Larkana Conspiracy to shut the Bangalees by violent massacre. In this very meeting the military macho man and the Pak feudal lord planned to implement  Shahibjada Yakub’s notorious Operation Blitz on the Bangalees. They modified the plan and rendered it more destructive ( to crush the Bangalee uprising forever) and renamed it Operation Searchlight. To implement Operation Searchlight they (Bhutto and Yahya) recruited  (as both Gen Yakub and Admiral Ahsan recommended political instead of military measures to deal with the victory of the Bangalees in general election) two of their two most extremely notorious generals: General Tikka and General Niazi.

According to the plan Yahya, since early February, 1971, secretly sent Pakistani troops to Dhaka and prepared for the final crack down. When the preparation was complete, Yahya dismissed the constituent assembly. On March 25, after giving full instruction for mass killing of the inhabitants of Dhaka, at about 11 pm that night Yahya secretly left Dhaka. He went to Dhaka airport in a private car, completely unescorted in fear of identification by the airport officials. He was scared that Indian air force may stop him in the air. But Group Captain AR Khandaker saw Yahya sneaking out of the country in the dead of the night.

Soon after Yahya’s departure, the Pakistani army crashed down Dhaka city. Their main target was to devastate the center of Bangalee political strength: student halls of Dhaka university and the top leaders and intellectuals involved in nationalist movement. They crashed the whole of Dhaka city by killing thousands of innocent civilians and poor people on the street (rickshaw pullers, homeless people, day laborers, street kids etc). The casualties were more than 50, 000. They arrested Bangabondhu Sheikh Mujibur Rahman from his resident and took him to Pakistan. Yahya’s officers also looked for other top leaders of Awami league specially Tajuddin Ahmed. But they could not find them as they, apprehensive of Pakistani military junta’s next move, disappeared from their residences. Their failure to capture top Awami leaguers fueled their hatred against Bangalees and they appeased their avenging impulses by killing them in multitudes.

After 25 March, the Dhaka crack down night, the devastation of Bangladesh topped the personal agenda of Yahya. He used all means at his disposal to crash down the Bangalees. The intensity of his personal hatred against Bangladesh rules out the ” liability theory” adopted by Pakistani bureaucrats and academics to ditch, resource less but politically less obliging, Bangladesh and Bangalees. Even when the victory of the Bangladesh liberation forces became obvious, in September, 1971, Yahya manipulated all his international connections to destroy Bangladesh:

1. Exhausted his connection with Kissinger/Nixon duo to get massive arms supply from the US and finally, on the eve of the victory, to demonstrate US nuclear threat to counter Bangladesh-India alliance, Yahya managed to bring US Seventh Fleet to crush the independence of Bangladesh.

2. He used his Chinese connection against Bangladesh-India alliance.

3. When Yahya finally realized his absolute defeat in the war, he used his loyal military officers to kill the Bangalee intellectuals to spiritually cripple Bangladesh for centuries. Yahya’s plan to eliminate the intellectuals further reinforces the fact that the Pakistani military junta did not want to ditch Bangladesh only, they intended the total destruction of Bangladesh and absolute extinction of the Bangalee race as reflected in Tikka’s war cry: ” I want land only, not people.”

Zulfikar Ali Bhutto


Zulfikar Ali Bhutto was the head of the Pakistan Peoples’ Party (PPP) in 1971. In the general election of 1970, Bhutto won 88 seats in West Pakistan as opposed to Mujib’s 162 seats out of 169. As per the legislation Mujib was supposed to form the government of Pakistan. According to some Pakistani high officials sources, at first president Yahya  was more inclined to hand power over to Mujib.

But Bhutto opposed Yahya’s decision. Bhutto represented the influential Panjabi civil and military bureaucrats and the  feudal lords. Pakistani military-feudal axis vehemently opposed the transference of power. They were afraid that Mujib’s democratic policies may adversely affect the existing feudal system of West Pakistan and curb the power of the top civil and military bureaucrats. So their representative Bhutto invited Yahya in the notorious Larkana meeting and together two shrewd jackals conspired to repress the Bangalees with military means and retain the political power in the hands of the West Pakistanis. This theory is plausible because such a brilliant idea is more likely to emanate from the arch machiavellian: Zulfikar Ali Bhutto. Yahya is more given to kill his fellow countrymen to show off his military prowess than formulate a brilliant idea to sort all the problems together: destroy Bangladesh; keep the power in the hands of  Bhutto and him; make Niazi and the army the scapegoat of the war in order to divert the attention  of the Pakistani people. Tajuddin Ahmed was right to think that Bhutto was the deux ex machina behind the political conspiracy leading to the devastation of Bangladesh: “…..Bhutto is responsible for the unprecedented brutality unleashed nationwide. Seating with him is impossible. Pakistan can be saved only if two federations  are formed. Both the federations are to write up their separate constitutions. Then if situation permits they can write the constitution of Pakistan. In other words, confederation…….Tajuddin’s view on Bhutto as described by Rao Forman Ali.

Bhutto manipulated the military monsters (Yahya, Tikka) to secure his power and maintain his vested interest in politics. All through his political career he thrived on conspiracy and intrigues. As often the fate of such treacherous politicians  is to end up in the hands of the partners in crime, Bhutto was justified to be hanged by his own Frankenstein: General Ziaul Huq

Iskandar Harappa

Reborn Alexander’s, would be Olympic champions must conform to the most stringent of training routines. So after he left Pinkie Aurangzeb, Isky Harappa also vowed to eschew every thing else that could erode his spirit. His daughter Arjumand ( virgin ironpants) would always remember that that was when he gave up stud poker, chemin-de-fer, private roulette evenings, horse-race fixing, French food, opium and sleeping pills; when he broke his habit of seeking out beneath silver-heavy banqueting tables the excited ankles and compliant knees of society beauties, and when he stopped visiting the whores whom he had been fond of photographing with an eight mm Paillard Bolex movie camera while they performed, singly or in threes, upon his own person or that of Omar Khayyam, their musky languid rites. it was the beginning of that legendary political career which would culminate in his victory over death itself. These first triumphs, being merely victories over himself, were necessarily smaller. He expunged from his public, urban vocabulary his encyclopedic repertoire of foul green village oaths, imprecations which could detach brim-full cut-glass tumblers from men’s hands and shatter them before they reached the floor. (But when campaigning in the villages he allowed the air to turn green with obscenity once again, understanding the vote-getting powers of the filth.) He stifled for ever the high-pitched giggle of his unreliable playboy self and substituted a rich, full-throated, statesmanlike guffaw. He gave up fooling around with the women servants in his city home.

Did any man ever sacrificed more for his people? He gave up cock-fights, bear-fights, snake-and-mongoose duels; plus disco dancing, and his monthly evenings at the home of the chief film censor, where he had watched special compilations of the juiciest bits excised from incoming foreign films.

He toured the villages and promised every peasant one acre of land and a new water-well. He was put in jail; huge demonstrations secured his release. He screamed in regional dialects about the rape of the country by fat cats and tilyars, and such was the power of his tongue, or perhaps of the sartorial talents of Monsieur Cardin, that nobody seemed to recall Isky’s own status as a landlord of a distinctly obese chunk of Sind….

Salman Rushdie: Shame

General Tikka Khan

On 11 April 1971, Yahya appointed his loyal general Tikka Khan as the  Governor General and the Chief Martial Law administrator of Bangladesh and as such he was the highest authority on both civil and military administrations. The Pakistani military junta was confident about Tikka’s ability in violent repression of Bangalee nationalist movement. Tikka Khan proved his ability as a formidable machine for massacre by killing thousands of Bangalees on 25 March, 1971. Tikka unleashed such a terrible reign of terror that even the blockheaded General Niazi, a soldier himself, was critical of his Tikka’s ruthless massacre of the unarmed civilians of Bangladesh:

“General Tikka let loose every thing at his disposal as if raiding an enemy and not dealing  with his own misguided and misled people. The military action was a display of stark cruelty, more merciless than the massacre at Bakhura and Baghdad by Changez Khan and Halaku Khan and at Jalianwala Bagh by British General Dyer”

” ….On the night (25 March, 1971) Tikka Khan ordered for action, 50, 000 people were killed”.

Niazi: Betrayal of East Pakistan

Brigadier Shah Abdul Quasim on the massacre of 25th March: “no pitched battle was fought on the 25th of March in Dhaka. Excessive force was used on that night. Army personnel acted under the influence of revenge and anger during the military operation…. mortars were used to blast two Residence Halls, thus causing excessive casualties.”

Massacre in Comilla Cantonment: On 27th/28th of March, 1971) under the orders of CO 53 Field Regiment, Lt. Gen. Yakub Malik, 17 Bangalee officers and 915 men were  slain. There was a general feeling of hatred against Bangalees amongst the soldiers and officers including Generals of Pakistan army. There were verbal instructions to eliminate Hindus. In Salda Nadi area about 500 persons were killed.

Excerpts from the book written by Mohammad Ashraf, Additional Deputy Commissioner, Dhaka in 1971, : “after the military action the Bangalees were made aliens in their own homeland. The life, property, and honor of even the most highly placed among them were not safe. People were picked up from their homes on suspicion and dispatched toBangladesh, a term used to describe summary executions. …. The victims included Army and Police Officers, businessmen, civilian officers etc. ……There was no Rule of Law in East Pakistan. A man had no remedy if he was on the wanted list of the army…. Army officers who were doing intelligence were raw hands, ignorant of the local language and callous of Bangalee sensibilities.”

General Niazi

General AAK Niazi (PA-477) was the chief of Eastern Command in 1971. The Yahya- Bhutto gang picked Niazi for this special mission as he was notoriously corrupted and immoral and was dumb enough to be their  scapegoat in the war. In Pakistan Niazi was involved in business with the patrons of brothels and influential business women. He was also involved in smuggling pans from East Pakistan. He found his posting as the chief of Eastern Command as a lucrative one and was certainly puffed up as, due to this promotion, he stepped ahead 12 of his senior officers.

Niazi was a soldier and as such he fought a conventional war against  Bangladeshi freedom fighters and Indian alliance forces. He was too dull to conceive the ignoble scheme to kill the intellectuals. But as he was a corrupted officer he concentrated more on looting and rapes. He made fortunes for himself and encouraged his under commands in the occupation army to loot and rape as pointed out by Mr Alamder Raja, the last commissioner of Pakistan: “……It is said that the people of West Pakistan were unaware of the terrible devastation inflicted on the Bangalees by the Pakistani occupation army. It was a sheer government propaganda. Did not we have radios those days? Before the war, Punjabi soldiers used to send  Tk 200-300 per month to their families. But in 1971, they sent about Tk 500-600 per month. Where did they get the additional money ?…..”     ,

About rapes, Mr. Raja gave an example of the brutality of the Pakistani soldiers: “…….A band of Pakistani occupation army attacked a house and killed one but all the members of the family. The only young girl of the family was kept alive for rape. The girl begged for mercy; frightened to death she cried out and said is a Muslim woman and the soldiers are also Muslim. How come Muslim men can rape a Muslim woman? …..At last, as a last resort, she put the holy Koran on the bed, next to her and said, they have to step on the Koran to rape her. The bastards kicked the Koran out of the bed and group raped her….”

Loots and rapes were so rampant that Niazi, in one of his confidential memo,  mentioned that the departing West Pakistani families were carrying looted properties with them to Pakistan. Rapes and forced pregnancy to eliminate the Hindus as a race was so wide spread that Niazi had to officially warn his officers: ….” I gather that even officers have been suspected of indulging in this shameful activity and what is worse, that in spite of repeated instructions, comdos. have so far failed to curb this alarming state of indiscipline. I suspect that cos and osc units/sub-units are protecting and shielding such criminals…”.

Lt Col Aziz Ahmed Khan, CO of 8 Baluch regiment (CO 86 Mujahid Battalion in 1971) , confessed that Niazi personally encouraged ethnic cleansing:  “Brigadier Arbbab also told me to destroy all houses in Joydebpur. To a great extent I executed this order. General Niazi visited my unit at Thakargaon and Bogra. He asked us how many Hindus we had killed. In May, there was an order in writing to kill Hindus. This order was from Brigadier Abdullah Malik of 23 Brigade.”

The notorious killer, loafer, looter and rapist of 1971, rascal Niazi now, in order to evade trial, puts on the mask of a pious Muslim.  Who would believe that the old buffoon in showy Islamic attire in the photo below was the main culprit behind the loots, rapes, arsons and massacres of the Bangalees in 1971?

Niazi the hypocrite bastard in 2000

Major General Rao Forman Ali


Major General Rao Forman Ali (PA-1364) was the chief adviser to the Governer of East Pakistan during the liberation war. Unlike Yahya, whose only known method for all transactions was  application of brutal military force, Rao was aware of the reality leading to the war and the possible impact of the war on Bangladesh and Bangalees. He served in Dhaka cantonment for more than a decade and was involved in  intelligence gathering,  making strategic decisions and formulating policies. He was also involved in buying Bangalee politicians to subvert nationalist movements.  He was the mastermind behind the massacre of 1971 as he, being in charge of the civil administration, knew about Bangladesh more than his peers. It was Forman who blueprinted the elimination of the secular minded Bangalee intellectuals. He was more of a cold blooded murderer than the haughty Yahya or bloodthirsty Tikka. His trained killers were more ruthless than the professional soldiers. Forman ran training programs in various cantonments for the forces of Al-Badr and Al-Shams to train them to torture, mutilate and slaughter the captive Bangalees’ in Islamic manner.

In his book The Betrayal of East Pakistan, General Niazi described Forman as an opportunist, a conspirator and a swindler. Niazi also said, implicating Forman’s involvement in the killing of the intellectuals, that Forman requested him (N) to send him (F) back to Pakistan, for, ” Mukti Bahini would kill him of his alleged massacre of the Bangalees and intellectuals on the night of 15-16 December. It was a pathetic sight to see him pale and almost on the verge of break down”.

Presently Forman is writing books in order to convince the world about his ignorance of independence war of Bangladesh and to clear his name off the  massacre, loot, rape and arson during the war. In his book Forman, through his subtle language and ostensibly innocent representation, pleads his innocence during the war and his ignorance of the war situation (although he was in charge of the civil administration and the chief adviser to the chief martial law administrator of Pakistan !).

Evidences against Forman’s involvement in the massacre of the Bangalees and the killings of the intellectuals:

1. When asked about Forman’s refusal to admit his involvement in the killing of the intellectuals Brigader Sidddiqui, another senior military officer during the war, said:……” He (Forman) was the major general in charge of civil administration. As such nothing would happen which he would not know. Forman is the man who should about the killing of the intellectuals. I never trusted him. He always wore a mask…”.

2. In The Separation of East Pakistan, Mr Hasan Zahir, a Pakistani civil servant wrote: ” Major General Forman Ali was the executioner of Dhaka part of ” Operation Searchlight”. He succedded in ‘shock action’ by concentrated and indiscriminate firing on target areas…….”

3.  Siddiq Salik in his book,  Witness to Surrender ( p.71), wrote: ….”The plan for operation Searchlight-1 visualized the setting up of two headquarters. Major General Forman with 57 Brigade under Brigadier Arbab, was responsible for operations in Dacca city and its suburbs while Major General Khadim was to look after the rest of the province. In addition lieutenant General Tikka Khan and his staff were to spend the night at the Martial Law Headquarters in the Second Capital to watch the progress of action in and outside Dacca……”

4. According to Mr Altaf Gaohar, a leading Pakistani journalist, Forman was the mastermind behind the killing of the intellectuals. In this connection Mr Gaohar recounted an incident from his memory. One of Gaohar’s  friends told him that a hit list had been drawn up for elimination of certain Bangalees. A friend of his was also in the list and he requested Gaohar if he could do something to save his friend. Gaohar then took the matter to one of his friends who was also common friend of Forman. Gaohar’s friend then saw Forman and requested him to drop the name from his hit list. ” Forman brought, said Gaohar’s friend, a diary out of his drawer and crossed the name out. The name was of Mr Sanaul Huq and he was spared.” After independence Forman’s diary was recovered from the ruins of the Governor’s house. The copy of a page from the diary shows the list of intellectuals from Dhaka University. 14 of them were killed on 14 December, 1971:

5. A close reading of Forman’s book in self defense, How Pakistan Got Divided, shows that Forman had deeply ingrained prejudice against the Bangalees. Like Hitler, Forman the ignorant fool, suffers from the purity complex. He believes that due to the Hindu influence Bangalees are not pure Muslims. But the rascal forgot that it was due to the Bangalee majority that made for Pakistan. It was people, not bloody military, who made Pakistan. Forman firmly believed that the impurities of the Bangalees can be  mended if they are absolved of the Hindu influence. This was the conviction that motivated Forman to ruthlessly eliminate the Bangalee intellectuals. Behind all elements of Bangalee nationalism Forman discovered Hindu phantasm. He was less critical of Sheikh Mujib but an arch enemy of Tajuddin Ahmed. If arrested Forman, as his comment on Tajuddin testifies, would not have spared Tajuddin: …..” Tajuddin, the die hard pro Indian Awami leaguer, came in and sat down. He hated West Pakistan and perhaps Pakistan itself. He was reputed to have been a Hindu up to the age of 8. I do not think this story was correct but it revealed his mental make up”.

6. The group photo with Golam Azam and puppet governor Malek below shows that Forman is discussing the plan for elimination of the Bangalee intellectuals. Golam Azamm and Forman is alleged to have jointly prepared the list of names of Bangalee intellectuals for elimination to absolve Bangalees  of Hindu influences.

7. Excerpt from the report on the excavation of Jalladkhan mass grave carried out by Bangladesh Liberation War Museum (LWM). The excerpt underscores the extreme brutalities showed by Forman’s special forces in torturing and killing the Bangalees:

..”The Jalladkhan (slaughter house) located also in Mirpur (Section 10 Block D)…….. selected for immediate excavation and exhuming of remains of the martyrs of 1971. ……….The excavation began on  November 15 1999 and the exhuming ended on  23 November with the recovery of 70 skulls and 5392 various human bones. Most of the skulls revealed sign of being severed from the shoulder with a sharp weapon and some bore marks of being struck by heavy weapon and one had a bullet hole shot from a close range. Other bones also showed signs of being hit by a heavy weapon…..”

The old fox (Rao Forman Ali) in 2000

Please also visit Collaborators and Martyred Intellectuals page for details of Rao Forman Ali’s war crimes

Maj Gen Khadim Hussain Raja 
Major General Ansari (PA-4404)
Brig Manzoor Hussain Atif (PA-3547)
Colonel Yakub Malik (PA-3837)
Lt Colonel Shams-uz-Zaman (PA-4745)
Major Mohd Abdullah Khan (PTC-5911)
Major Khurshid Omar (PA-4553)
Captain Abdul Wahid (PSS-8464)
Click here for  War Criminals II: Razakars
Shame: Salman Rushdie

“….about the issue of Time magazine (or was in Newsweek?) which never got into the country because it carried an article about President Ayub Khan’s alleged Swiss bank account; or about the bandits on the trunk roads who are condemned for doing, as private enterprise, what the govt does as public policy; or about genocide in Baluchistan; or about the recent preferential awards of State Scholarships, to pay for postgraduate studies abroad, to members of the fanatical Jamaat party; or about the extra hangings-the first for twenty years- that were ordered purely to legitimize the execution of Mr. Zulfikar Ali Bhutto; or about why Bhutto’s hangman has vanished into thin air, just like many street-urchins who are being stolen every day in broad daylight; or abut anti-Semitism, an interesting phenomenon, under whose influence people who have never met a Jew vilify all Jews for the sake of maintaining solidarity with the Arab states which offer Pakistan workers, these days, employment and much-needed foreign exchange; or about smuggling, the boom in heroin exports, military dictators, venal civilians, corrupt civil servants, bought judges, newspapers of whose stories the only thing can confidently be said is that they are lies; or about the apportioning of the national budged, with special reference to the percentage set aside for defense (huge) and for education (not huge).

List of top 200 Pakistani War Criminals

POW No. PA No. Rank Name Unit Remarks
1. 1 PA-477 Lt./Gen Amir Abdullah Khan Niazi East Comd. They planned and/or executed the plan to commit genocide, war crimes and crime against humanity in Bangladesh during the war of liberaiton.
2. 2 PA-1170 Maj/Gen Nazar Hussain Shah 16 Div. -do-
3. 3 PA-4404 Maj/Gen Mohammad Hussain Ansari 9 Div. -do-
4. 4 PA-882 Maj/Gen Mhammad Jamshed DGEPCAF -do-
5. 5 PA-1734 Maj/Gen Qazi Abdul Majid Khan 14 Div -do-
6. 6 PA-1364 Maj/Gen Rao Farman Ali Khan Maj. Gen. Civil Affairs & Adviser to Governor, E.P. -do-
7. 7 PA-1674 Brig. Abdul Qadir Khan 93 BDE -do-
8. 8 PA-2235 Brig. Arif Raja HQ SIG -do-
9. 9 PA-1109 Brig. Atta Muhammad Khan Malik 7 BDE -do-
10. 11 PA-1897 Brig. Bashir Ahmed CAF -do-
11. 12 PA-100088 Brig. Fahim Ahmed Khan HQ EC -do-
12. 13 PA-1738 Brig. Iftikhar Ahmed Rana 313 BDE -do-
13. 16 PA-3414 Brig. Manzoor Ahmed 57 HQ BDE -do-
14. 17 PA-3547 Brig. Manzoor Hussain Atif 117 BDE -do-
15. 18 PA-2111 Brig. Mian Mansoor Muhammad 39 Div -do-
16. 19 PA-1148 Brig. Mian Taskin Uddin 91 BDE -do-
17. 20 PA-2729 Brig. Mir Abdul Nayeem 34 HQ BDE -do-
18. 22 PA-1999 Brig. Mohd. Aslam 53 BDE -do-
19. 23 PA-2103 Brig. Mohd. Hayat 107/407 BDE -do-
20. 24 PA-1044 Brig. Mohd. Shafi 23 HQ BDE -do-
21. 25. PA-1702 Brig. N. A. Ashraf CMD Natore GRN -do-
22. 26 PA-3430 Brig. S. A. Ansari Rangpur GRN -do-
23. 27 PA-3548 Brig. Saad Ullah Khan S. J. 27 BDE -do-
24. 28 PA-1880 Brig. Syed Asghar Hasan Sylhet force -do-
25. 29 PA-2110 Brig. Syed Shah Abul Qasim C.C.ATY ECO -do-
26. 30 PA-2130 Brig. Tajmmal Hussain Malik 205 HQ BDE -do-
27. 35 PA-1817 Col. Fazle Hamid 314 HQ BDE -do-
28. 37 PA-3799 Col. K. K. Afridi 9 Div -do-
29. 44 PA-1963 Col. Mohd. Khan ISI -do-
30. 45 PA-100115 Col. Mohammad Musharaf Ali 14 ADMS Div -do-
31. 58 PA-2200 Lt/Col. Abdul Ghaffor HQ SIGEA -do-
32. 67 PA-4489 Lt/Col. Aftab H. Quereshi 33 Baluch -do-
33. 57 PA-3568 Lt/Col. Abdul Rehman Awan CAF -do-
34. 60 PA-3347 Lt/Col. Abdul Hamid Khan ML HQ -do-
35. 65 PA-4087 Lt/Col. Abdullah Khan EPCAF -do-
36. 68 PTC-4318 Lt/Col. Ahmed Mukhtar Khan 30 FF -do-
37. 72 PA-4062 Lt/Col. Amir Mohd. Khan 7 SEC ML -do-
38. 74 PTC-4329 Lt/Col. Amir Nawaz Khan 13 FF -do-
39. 73 PA-5027 Lt/Col. Amir Mohd. Khan 34 Punjab -do-
40. 55 PA-4745 Lt/Col. A. Shams ul Zaman 22 FF -do-
41. 78 PA-4608 Lt/Col. Ashiq Hussain 24 FF -do-
42. 81 PA-3248 Lt/Col. Aziz Khan 32 Baluch -do-
43. 202 PTC-3239 Lt/Col. Ghulam Yasin Siddiqi ST HQ Dacca AA & QMG -do-
44. 97 PTC-3711 Lt/Col. Isharat Ali Alavi 14 HQ Inf. Div -do-
45. 167 PA-4441 Lt/Col. Mukhtar Alam Hijazi EPCAF -do-
46. 170 PA-3600 Lt/Col. Mustafa Anwar 15 Baluch -do-
47. 116 PA-4100 Lt/Col. M.R.K. Mirza 33 Punjab -do-
48. 128 PA-4301 Lt/Col. Matloob Hussain 18 Punjab -do-
49. 140 PA-2700 Lt/Col. Mohammad Akram Tochi Scout -do-
50. 152 PSS-2590 Lt/Col. Mohd. Akbar EPCAF -do-
51. 147 PTC-3645 Lt/Col. Mohammad Nawaz 15 Baluch -do-
52. 169 PA-4766 Lt/Col. Mumtaz Malik HQ East Comd -do-
53. 138 PA-4416 Lt/Col. M.M.M. Baiz 8 Baluch -do-
54. 48 PA-100207 Col. Mohd. Matin 72 ADMS MED BN -do-
55. 129 PA-2917 Lt/Col. Mazhar Hussain Chauhan ISSC -do-
56. 168 PA-3610 Lt/Col. Mukhtar Ahmed Sayed HQ MLA Cav -do-
57. 171 PSS-2899 Lt/Col. Mustafajan HQ MLA Zone -do-
58. 175 PA-2821 Lt/Col. Oman Ali Khan Survey Sec -do-
59. 180 PA-5074 Lt/Col. Reaz Hussain Javed 31 Punjab -do-
60. 178 PA-4550 Lt/Col. Rashid Ahmed HQ EPCAF -do-
61. 196 PA-4817 Lt/Col. Seikh Mohd. Naeem 39 Baluch -do-
62. 192 PA-3932 Lt/Col. Sarfraz Khan Malik 31 Punjab -do-
63. 181 PA-4920 Lt/Col. S.F.H. Rizvi 32 Punjab -do-
64. 182 PA-4560 Lt/Col. S.H. Bokhari 29 CAV. -do-
65. 205 PA-4368 Lt/Col. Syed Hamid Shafi DEF Purchase -do-
66. 201 PA-3817 Lt/Col. Sultan Badshah 8 EPCAF -do-
67. 200 PA-5178 Lt/Col. Sultan Ahmed 31 Baluch -do-
68. 199 PA-4518 Lt/Col. S.R.H.S. Jaffari HQ SIG EA -do-
69. 216 PSS-3743 Lt/Col. Zaid Agha Khan HQ EF LOG They committed genocide, war crimes and crime against humanity in Bangladesh during the War of Liberation in violation of laws of War, customs and usages.
70. 122 PA-3837 Lt/Col. M.Y. Malik 14 HQ Div -do-
71. 231 PA-7059 Major Abdul Ghafran East Comd. -do-
72. 284 PA-5640 Major Anis Ahmed 205 HQ Inf. BDE -do-
73. 290 PA-7214 Major Arif Javed 22 CAV -do-
74. 304 PA-6736 Major Atta Mohd. 29 Baluch -do-
75. 233 PSS-8394 Major Abdul Hamid 31 Punjab -do-
76. 301 PA-7299 Major A.S.P. Quereshi 25 Punjab -do-
77. 294 PA-7530 Major Ashfaq Ahmed Cheema 39 Baluch -do-
78. 241 PSS-8547 Major Abdul Khaleq Kayani 6 Punjab -do-
79. 256 PTC-4664 Major Abdul Waheed Mughal 22 Baluch -do-
80. 235 PA-3838 Major Abdul Hamid Khattak ML HQ -do-
81. 262 PA-7251 Major Ahmed Hassan Khan EPCAF -do-
82. 283 PRR-4438 Major Anees Ahmed Khan 15 Baluch -do-
83. 255 PA-4990 Major Abdul Waheed Khan 31 Baluch -do-
84. 320 PA-5868 Major Ch. Mohd. Jahangir HQ MLA ZB -do-
85. 348 PA-4122 Major Ghulam Mohd. 2 Baluch -do-
86. 358 PTC-4390 Major Gulam Ahmed EPCAF -do-
87. 344 PA-7439 Major Ghazanfar Ali Nasir EPCAF -do-
88. 363 PA-6959 Major Hadi Hussain 24 FF -do-
89. 367 PA-6646 Major Hasan Mujtaba 8 Baluch -do-
90. 376 PTC-5733 Major Iftikhar Uddin Ahmed 33 Baluch -do-
91. 374 PA-6729 Major Iftikhar Ahmed 8 Punjab -do-
92. 712 PA-5250 Major Shah Muhamad Osman Faruqi 7 Sig. BN -do-
93. 419 PA-4553 Major Khursheed Oman 814 FIU -do-
94. 423 PTC-3947 Major Khurshid Ali Survey Sec. -do-
95. 414 PA-7576 Major Khizar Hayat 4 FF -do-
96. 485 PA-7657 Major Mehr Mohd Khan 31 Baluch -do-
97. 431 PTC-5911 Major M. Abdullah Khan 27 BDE -do-
98. 533 PA-7253 Major Mohd. Afzal 8 Baluch -do-
99. 441 PA-7405 Major M. Ishaq EPCAF -do-
100. 553 PTC-3246 Major Mohd. Hafiz Raja 34 Punjab -do-
101. 595 PA-6870 Major Mohd. Younas 32 Punjab -do-
102. 504 PA-6793 Major Mohd. Amin 107 HQ BDE -do-
103. 481 PS-3935?


Major Mohd. Lodhi Natore Gar. -do-
104. 493 PA-6554 Major Mirza Anwar Beg 88 ORD COY -do-
105. 428 PTC-4157 Major M.A. K. Lodhi 16 HQ Div -do-
106. 459 PSS-4245 Major Madad Hussain Shah 18 Punjab -do-
107. 544 PTC-3007 Major Mohd. Ayub Khan 97 BDE -do-
108. 586 PSS-6110 Major Mohd. Sharif Arain 33 Punjab -do-
109. 555 PA-5964 Major Mohd. Iftikhar Khan 202 HQ BDE -do-
110. 455 PA-2818 Major M. Yahiya Hamid Khan 6 Punjab -do-
111. 592 PSS-6150 Major Mohd. Yamin ASC -do-
112. 527 PA-5141 Major Mohd. Ghazanfar ISSC -do-
113. 583 PA-7231 Major Mohd. Sarwar 33 Punjab -do-
114. 579 PTC-3016 Major Mohd. Siddique 205 HQ Inf BDE -do-
115. 543 PSS-6092 Major Mohd. Ashraf HQ EPCAF -do-
116. 506 PSS-4634 Major Mohd. Ashraf Khan 53 HQ BDE -do-
117. 604 PA-5312 Major Mohammad Safdar ISSC -do-
118. 496 PA-6067 Major M.M. Ispahani HQ Eastern Cmd -do-
119. 562 PA-6440 Major Mohd. Jamil EPCAF -do-
120. 580 PA-7559 Major Mohd. Safi 32 Punjab -do-
121. 547 PSS-4320 Major Mohd. Azim Qureshi Qures ISSC -do-
122. 525 PA-6460 Major Mohd. Zulficar Rathore 13 Engr. BN -do-
123. 615 PA-5962 Major Mushtaq Ahmed Det 630 ASC -do-
124. 634 PSS-7996 Major Nasira Khan 26 FF -do-
125. 632 PA-4748 Major Nasir Ahmed 409 GHQ FIU -do-
126. 654 PTC-4632 Major Rana Zahoor Mohyydin Khan 18 Punjab -do-
127. 666 PA-8655 Major Rifat Mahmood 31 FD Regt. -do-
128. 667 PSS-6148 Major Rustam Ali 314 HQ Bde -do-
129. 651 ACO-390 Major R. M. Mumtaz Khan 31 Baluch -do-
130. 702 PA-6063 Major Sardar Khan HQ MLA -do-
131. 510 ACO-2099 Major Mohammad Azam Khan 12 A.K. -do-
132. 686 PRR-3389 Major Saif Ullah Khan ISSC -do-
133. 674 PA-6893 Major S.T. Hussain 734 FIC -do-
134. 730 PSS-4224 Major S.M.H.S. Bokhari 24 FF -do-
135. 689 PSS-8015 Major Sajid Mahmud 32 Punjab -do-
136. 723 PA-7415 Major Sher ur Rehman 29 CAV -do-
137. 695 PTC-5930 Major Salamat Ali EPCAF -do-
138. 690 PA-6858 Major Sajjad Akhtar Malik ISI -do-
139. 698 PA-5684 Major Saleem Inayet Khan 57 HQ MLZB -do-
140. 735 PA-7289 Major Sultan Saud EPCAF -do-
141. 705 PA-6542 Major Sarfraz Uddin ISI -do-
142. 720 PA-5080 Major Shaukatullah Khattak 36 Sig. BN -do-
143. 737 PA-7428 Major Sultan Surkhro Awan 33 Punjab -do-
144. 704 PA-7076 Major Sarfraz Alam EPCAF -do-
145. 706 PA-6851 Major Sarwar Khan Tochi Scout -do-
146. 756 PA-6272 Major Tafair ul Islam HQ Natore -do-
147. 785 PSS-8124 Major Zaumul Maluk 18 Punjab -do-
148. 806 PSS-8464 Captain Abdul Waheed 30 FF -do-
149. 817 PA-10202 Captain Aftab Ahmad 31 Baluch -do-
150. 858 PSS-8836 Captain Arif Hussain Shah ARTY EIZI EMD -do-
151. 815 PSS-9634 Captain Abrar Hussain 30 FF -do-
152. 853 PSS-9959 Captain Amjad Shabbir Bukhari 31 FD Regt. ARTY -do-
153. 876 PA-10129 Captain Ausaf Ahmed 53 Fd. Regt. -do-
154. 75089 PA-10185 Captain Abdul Qahar EPCAF -do-
155. 869 PA-10985 Captain Ashraf Mirza 12 AK INF BN -do-
156. 802 PSS-9904 Captain Abdul Rashid Nayyar 19 Sig BN -do-
157. 849 PSS-8005 Captain Aman Ullah HQ Natore GR -do-
158. 882 PSS-9363 Captain Aziz Ahmed 31 FD Regt. -do-
159. 221 PSS-9440 Captain Gulfraz Khan Abbasi 22 FF -do-
160. 951 PSS-8144 Captain Ikramul Haq 20 CAV -do-
161. 947 PA-10241 Captain Ijaz Ahmed Cheema ISI -do-
162. 941 8867 Captain Iftikhar Ahmed Gondal 31 Punjab -do-
163. 964 PSS-8821 Captain Ishaq Parvez 24 FF -do-
164. 960 PSS-9614 Captain Iqbal Shah 29 CAV -do-
165. 976 PSS-6910 Captain Javed Iqbal 33 Baluch -do-
166. 972 PSS-9765 Captain Jahangir Koyani RFT CAMP -do-
167. 985 PA-7838 Captain Karam Khan 315 HQ BDE -do-
168. 1047 PA-11554 Captain Manzar Amin 25 FF -do-
169. 1255 PSS-9387 Captain Muzaffar Hussain Naqvi 18 Punjab -do-
170. 1178 PA-11551 Captain Mohd. Sajjad 80 Fd. Regt. -do-
171. 1201 PSS-8820 Captain Mohd. Zakir Raja

(Muhammad Zakar Khan, Arty)

ISSC -do-
172. 1126 PA-7862 Captain Mohd. Arif 14 HQ Div -do-
173. 1131 PSS-9018 Captain Mohd. Ashraf 12 Punjab -do-
174. 1149 PSS-8977 Captain Mohd. Iqbal 12 Punjab -do-
175. 1096 PSS-9927 Captain Mohd. Rafi Munir 18 Punjab -do-
176. 1159 PSS-10287 Captain Mohd. Jamill 6 Punjab -do-
177. 1238 PSS-9077 Captain Naeem Sadiq 409 HQ FIU -do-
178. 1351 PSS-9454 Captain Sher Ali 39 Baluch -do-
179. 1322 PSS-8093 Captain Salman Mahmood 26 FF -do-
180. 1325 PA-11009 Captain Samshed Sarwar RFN CAMP -do-
181. 1343 PSS-7745 Captain Shahid Rehman 29 CAV -do-
182. 1321 PSS-10431 Captain Saleh Hussain 18 Punjab -do-
183. 1350 PSS-9508 Captain Shaukat Nawaz Khan 6 Punjab -do-
184. 1396 PA-7898 Captain Zahid Zaman 53 HQ BDE -do-
185. 1505 PSS-11843 Lieutenant Munir Ahmed Butt 31 Baluch Regt. -do-
186. 15532 PSS-12191 Lieutenant Zafar Jang 38 FF -do-
187. 641 PSS-6127 Major Nisar Ahmad Khan Sherwani 32 Punjab Responsible for man killing, loot, arson
188. 338 PSS-8534 Major Fayaz Muhammad 29 Baluch -do-
189. 487 PA-4992 Major Mian Fakhruddin 91 HQ Inf. Bde. -do-
190. 924 PSS-8880 Captain Hidayat Ullah Khan 29 Baluch -do-
191. 1102 PSS-10828 Captain Md. Siddique 27 Sig. BN -do-
192. 993 10147 Captain Khalil ur Rahman COD, Dacca -do-
193. 628 PA-6726 Major Nadir Parvaiz Khan 6 Punjab -do-
194. 934 PSS-10384 Captain Hassan Idris EPCAF -do-

Pakistan Air Force

195. 65483 P-953 Air Cdre Inam ul Hoque Khan PF Dacca -do-
196. 65484 PAF-1069 Gr. Cpt. M.A. Majid Baig PF Dacca -do-
197. 65510 PAK-5332 Ft/Lt. Khalil Ahmed PAF -do-

Pakistan Navy

198. 71755 P-138 Rear Adm Mohamed Shariff   -do-
199. 71756 PN-108 Cmdre Ikramul Haq Malik Port Trust -do-
200. 71757 219 Cmdre Khatib Masud Hussain Base Comd. -do-


1. Liberation Museum
2. Killers and Collaborators of 1971: An Account of Their Whereabouts, compiled and published by the Center for the Development of the Spirit of the Liberation War
Commission on War Criminals of Bangladesh
3. Saiduzzaman Raushan: Speeches and Statements of Killers & Collaborators of 1971
4. Air Marshal M Asghar Khan: Generals in Politics
5. Maj Gen Tozammal Hussain Malik: The Story of My Struggle
6. Maj Gen Rao Forman Ali Khan: How Pakistan Got Divided
7. Maj Gen Fazal Muqueem Khan: Pakistan’s Crisis in Leadership
8. AAK Niazi: The Betrayal of East Pakistan
9. The Hamoodur Rahman Commission Report
10.Muntassir Mamoon: Liberation War: In the Eyes of the Defeated Generals of Pakistan
11. Shahriar Kabir: Tormenting 71

A khaki dissident on 1971

by Colonel Nadir Ali, retired Army Officer , Punjabi poet and short story writer

“It is Mujib’s home district. Kill as many bastards as you can and make sure there is no Hindu left alive,” I was ordered. I frequently met Mr Fazlul Qadir Chaudhry, Maulana Farid Ahmed and many other Muslim League and Jamaat leaders. In the Army, you wear no separate uniform. We all share the guilt. We may not have killed. But we connived and were part of the same force

During the fateful months preceding the dismemberment of Pakistan, I served as a young Captain, meantime promoted to the rank of the Major, in Dhaka as well as Chittagong. In my position as second-in-command and later as commander, I served with 3 Commando Battalion.

My first action was in mid April 1971. “It is Mujib-ur-Rahman’s home district. It is a hard area. Kill as many bastards as you can and make sure there is no Hindu left alive,” I was ordered.

“Sir, I do not kill unarmed civilians who do not fire at me,” I replied.

“Kill the Hindus. It is an order for everyone. Don’t show me your commando finesse!”.

I flew in for my first action. I was dropped behind Farid Pur. I made a fire base and we fired all around. Luckily there was nobody to shoot at. Then suddenly I saw some civilians running towards us. They appeared unarmed. I ordered “Stop firing!” and shouted at villagers, questioning them what did they want. “Sir we have brought you some water to drink!”, was the brisk reply.

I ordered my subordinates to put the weapons away and ordered a tea-break. We remained there for hours. Somebody brought and hoisted a Pakistani flag. “Yesterday I saw all Awami League flags over your village” I told the villagers. That was indeed the fact. I didn’t know whether to laugh or cry. Later the main army column caught up to make contact. They arrived firing with machine guns all around and I saw smoke columns rising in villages behind them. “What’s the score?” the Colonel asked.

“There was no resistance so we didn’t kill anyone,” he was informed.

He fired from his machine gun and some of the villagers who had brought us water, fell dead. “That is the way my boy,” the Colonel told this poor Major.

I was posted there from early April to early October. We were at the heart of events. A team from my unit had picked up Sheikh Mujib Ur Rehman from his residence on 25th March, 1971. We were directly under the command of Eastern Command. As SSG battalion commander, I received direct orders from General Niazi, General Rahim and later Gen Qazi Majid of 14 Div Dhaka.

Ironically, the resistance was led by General Zia Ur Rehman (later to become Bangladesh’s military ruler) was a fellow instructor at Pakistan Military Academy. Similarly, General Khalid Musharaf, who overthrew Zia in a counter-coup, was my course mate as well as a room-mate at the Pakistan Military Academy (PMA). He was also a fellow officer in SSG. Brig Abu Tahir, who brought General Zia back to power in a counter-counter coup, was also a friend and fellow officer in SSG. He was a leftist, jailed and later hanged by Gen Zia Ur Rehman whom he brought back to power in the fateful months in Bangladesh’s history, after the murder of founding father, Sheikh Mujib Ur Rehman.

Another leftist friend was Major Zia Ud Din. He was a freedom fighter and as Naxalite remained under ground from 1971 to1989 when a general amnesty was declared.

I came back to West Pakistan for getting my promotion to Lt. Colonel, in my parent corp, Ordnance, in October 1971.From December 1971 onwards, I began to suffer memory loss till my retirement on medical grounds in 1973. I remained in the nut house for six months in 1973. As a Punjabi writer, I regained my memory and rebuilt my life. I remember every moment from the year 1971.

For operations and visits to my sub units, I travelled all over East Pakistan. I never killed anybody nor ever ordered any killing. I was fortunately not even witness to any massacre. But I knew what was going on in every sector. Thousands were killed and millions rendered homeless. Over nine million went as refugees to India. An order was given to kill the Hindus. I received the same order many times and was reminded of it . The West Pakistani soldiery considered that Kosher. The Hamood Ur Rehman Commission Report mentions this order. Of the ninety-three lakh (9.3 million) refugees in India, ninety lakh were Hindus .That gave us, world-wide, a bad press and morally destroyed us. Military defeat was easy due to feckless military leader ship. Only couple of battalions in the north offered some resistance. For example, the unit of Major Akram, who was awarded highest military medal, Nishan-e-Haider, resisted and he lost his life.

East Pakistan, part of the country a thousand miles away, was “a geographical and political absurdity” as John Gunther said in “Inside Asia Today”.

With federal capital in Islamabad, dominated by West Pakistani civil servants and what they called a Punjabi Army, East Pakistanis felt like subjects of a colony. They never liked it ever since 1947. In early sixties, my fellow Bengali officers called each other general, a rank they would have in an independent East Pakistan. We all took it in good humour. But 1971 was not a joke. Every single Bengali felt oppressed. Their life and death was now in the hands of what they called “Shala Punjabies”.

I granted a long interview, recounting what I saw and felt in 1971, to BBC Urdu Service in December 2007. The Bangladesh Liberation Museum asked for a copy of the interview. It was too lengthy for me to transcribe, translate and type. Here, I attempt to re-collect bits and pieces yet again.

What drove me mad? Well I felt the collective guilt of the Army action which at worst should have stopped by late April 1971. Moreover, when I returned to West Pakistan, here nobody was pushed about what had happened or was happening in East Pakistan. Thousands of innocent fellow citizens had been killed, women were raped and millions were ejected from their homes in East Pakistan but West Pakistan was calm. It went on and on .The world outside did not know very much either. This owes to the fact that reporters were not there. General Tikka was branded as “Butcher Of Bengal”. He hardly commanded for two weeks. Even during those two weeks, the real command was in the hands of General Mitha, his second-in-command. General Mitha literally knew every inch of Bengal. He personally took charge of every operation till General Niazi reached at the helm. At this juncture, General Mitha returned to GHQ. General Tikka, as governor, was a good administrator and made sure that all services ran. Trains, ferries, postal services, telephone lines were functioning and offices were open. There was no shortage of food, anywhere by May 1971. All in all, a better administrative situation than Pakistan of today ! But like Pakistan of today, nobody gave a damn about what happens to the poor and the minorities. My worry today is whether my granddaughter goes to Wisconsin University or Harvard. That nobody gets any education in my very large village or in the Urdu-medium schools of Lahore, where I have lived as for forty years so called concerned citizen, does not worry me or anyone else.

In Dhaka, where I served most of the time, there was a ghostly feeling until about mid April 1971. But gradually life returned to normal in the little circuit I moved: Cantonment, Dacca Club, Hotel Intercontinental, the Chinese restaurant near New Market. Like most human beings, I was not looking beyond my nose. I moved around a lot in the city. My brother-in-law, Riaz Ahmed Sipra was serving as SSP Dhaka. We met almost daily. But the site of rendezvous were officers’ mess, some club or a friend’s house in Dhan Mandi. Even if I could move everywhere, I did not peep into the hearts of the Bengalis. They were silent but felt oppressed and aware of the fact that the men in uniforms were masters of their lives and properties. I frequently met Mr Fazlul Qadir Chaudhry, Maulana Farid Ahmed and many other Muslim League and Jamaat leaders in one government office or the other. Prof. Ghulam Azam and Ch Rehmat Elahi also used to meet me to provide me volunteers to carry out sabotage across the Indian Border.

Dr Yasmin Sakia, an Indian scholar teaching in America, told me once an anecdote. When she asked why in the 1990s she could not find any cooperation in tracing rape-victims of 1971, she was told by a victim,” Those who offered us to the Army are rulers now.”

One can tell and twist the tale. The untold part also matters in history. Two Bengali soldiers whom I released from custody, were issued weapons and put back in uniform. They became POWs along 90 thousand Pakistani soldiers and spent three years in Indian jails. I discovered one of them serving as a cook in 1976 in Lahore. I had regained my memory. “Kamal –ud-Din you?” I exclaimed on sighting him. “Sir you got me into this!”

The Pakistani Army had thrown them out. The other guy teaches in Dhaka now.

The untold part of the story is that one day I enquired about one soldier from Cammandos unit. He used to be my favourite in 1962. “Sir, Aziz-ul –Haq was killed”, the Subedar told me rather sheepishly.

“How?” was not a relevant question in those days. Still I did ask.

“Sir! first they were put in a cell, later shot in the cell”.

My worst nightmare even forty years later is the sight of fellow soldiers being shot in a cell. “How many ?” was my next question. “There were six sir, but two survived. They pretended to be dead but were alive,” came the reply.

“Where are they ?”

“In Cammilla sir, under custody”.

I flew from Dacca to Commilla. I saw two barely recognizable wraiths. Only if you know what that means to a fellow soldier! It is worse than suffering or causing a thousand deaths. I got them out, ordered their uniforms and weapons. “Go, take your salary and weapons and come back after ten days.” They came back and fought alongside, were prisoners and then were with difficulty, repatriated in 1976. Such stories differ, depending on who reports.

All these incidents, often gone unreported, are not meant to boast about my innocence. I was guilty of having volunteered to go to East Pakistan. My brother-in-law Justice Sajjad Sipra was the only one who criticized my choice of posting. “You surely have no shame,” he said to my disconcert. My army friends celebrated my march from Kakul to Lahore. We drank and sang! None of us were in two minds. We were single-mindedly murderous! In the Air Force Mess at Dacca, over Scotch, a friend who later rose to a high rank said, “ I saw a gathering of Mukti Bahini in thousands. I made a few runs and let them have it. A few hundred bastards must have been killed” My heart sank. “Dear! it is the weekly Haath (Market) day and villagers gather there,” I informed him in horror. “ Surely they were all Bingo Bastards!,” he added. There were friends who boasted about their score. I had gone on a visit to Commilla. I met my old friend, then Lt. Col. Mirza Aslam Beg and my teacher, Gen. Shaukat Raza. Both expressed their distaste for what was happening. Tony, a journalist working with state-owned news agency APP, escaped to London. He wrote about these atrocities that officers had committed and boasted about. It was all published by the ‘Times of London’. The reading made me feel guilty as if I had been caught doing it myself! In the Army, you wear no separate uniform. We all share the guilt. We may not have killed. But we connived and were part of the same force. History does not forgive!

Source: Viewpoint, a Pakistani a non-profit venture having a long history of struggle for democracy, human rights and justice in Pakistan.

War Crimes File – A Documentary BY Twenty Twenty Television

Chowdhury Mueen-Uddin’s role in Bangladesh Genocide:

In March 1971, Chowdhury Mueen-Uddin, a journalist at the Daily Purbodesh, was an active member of the Islami Chaatra Sangha (ICS) – the student wing of the Jammat-I-Islami which actively opposed Bangladesh liberation war and aided the Pakistani military.

In August 1971, the Jamaat-e-Islami, according to its own newspaper the Daily Sangram, set up the Al-Badr Squad comprising members of the ICS to violently combat the forces supporting Bangladesh’s liberation. Mueen-Uddin became a member of the Al-Badr.

Newspaper reports immediately after the intellectual killings in December 14, 1971 naming Mueen-Uddin as the prime suspect based on confessions by captured Al-Badr leaders.


In 1995, in a Channel 4 documentary, researchers presented a series of evidence and eyewitnesses that directly implicated Chowdhury Mueen-Uddin as the leader of the gang in at least two disappearances and killings, and one attempted disappearance. A documentary titled War Crimes File, directed by Howard Bradburn and produced by Gita Sehgal for Twenty Twenty Television broadcast as part of the Dispatches Series by Channel 4 was aired on 3 May 1995—recording eye witness accounts of Mueen-Uddin’s involvement in disappearances of journalists and other intellectuals in December 1971. David Bergman was the main researcher and reporter. [Webmaster’s note: The information was corrected as per an online news-portal’s  report]

The Video:

Part 1:

Part 2:

Part 3:

Part 4:

Part 5:

Part 6:

From TORMENTING SEVENTY ONE, An account of Pakistan army’s atrocities during Bangladesh liberation war of 1971:

It (the documentary War Crimes File) created much sensation in London after it was showed in Channel Four of BBC. Elaborating the target of making the documentary, one of its makers and chief researcher David Bergman said the conscious world, including the European community raised their voice against the mass killings and war crimes committed in former Yugoslavia’s Bosnia. A strong demand was raised that the war
criminals have to be punished. At that time he came to know that three war criminals of Bangladesh are residing in London in disguise. They also became leaders of the Bengalee community there. They are involved with various fundamentalist and communal groups. They made the film to unmask the war criminals and bring them to book.

The British government took steps for investigation into the three war criminals after the Bangalee community in UK as well as the human rights organisations there raised their voice for punishment of the trio. The British government also sought cooperation from the Bangladesh government. The then BNP government didn’t take any step in this regard. However, the Awami League government assured the UK of
cooperating with them. The government on its own also filed an allegation with Ramna police station in Dhaka (case no 115, date 24.9.1997).
We came to know it was buried after some interrogation and brief investigation. Fiona Mckay, a lawyer who runs a human rights organisation in London, said she thought though the British government is very enthusiastic, Bangladesh government is not so keen. She informed that senior officials of Scotland Yard Rees, Detective Chief Superintendent and Walton, Detective Inspector were appointed to investigate it.

Despite the interest of the British government and its people about the trial of Bangladesh’s war criminal, reluctance of Bangladesh government is a great shame for the nation.

Naming The Names -Introducing The War Criminals

Bangladesh News (Voice of the Bangladeshis in Australia)/Dec 16, 1999
Registered as a newspaper in Victoria
Level 10, 459 Little Collins St, Melbourne Vic 3000, Australia
Naming The Names –Introducing The War Criminals (By: Ahmed Ziauddin)

When on 17th April 1973 the Government, for the first time, announced its decision to try 195 Pakistani Prisoners of War for serious crimes, it became clear that it had abandoned its earlier absurd policy to try all Pakistani soldiers and their collaborators. Rhetoric political statement was replaced by pragmatic policy.

The Government, it was revealed, screened these individuals following a special investigation commissioned to identify the major war criminals. This report was never made public, nor the names of the 195 principal planners and executioners of Bangladesh genocide.

In a number of articles on Bangladesh genocide, and in seminars, I have urged publication of that report, which, at least, would reveal the names of the alleged criminals for others to pursue. Although we had fairly good idea about the people involved, but it was rather difficult, until now, to be absolutely certain about the existence of the report.

Recently, sources at Muktijuddher Jadughar, an unique organisation in Bangladesh that devotes itself exclusively on Bangladesh genocide and liberation war, has supplied some documents, which appears to be the long lost report, or at least its part, on the principal war criminals.

This article intends to virtually reproduce the materials, but before its done, a brief background to refresh our memories.

Pakistani soldiers lost on 16th day of Deceber 1971 its eastern part; despite their freehand in prosecuting genocidal war against largely unarmed Bangalee population, hundreds and thousands of its best fighters too surrendered to the Allied Command. Lt.Gen.Amir Abdullah Khan Niazi led his soldiers to put down the arms which were henceforth freely used to keep Pakistan’s integrity. Bangladesh was born and Pakistan disintegrated.

The Government of Bangladesh that led the war of liberation from exile returned to its capital following Pakistan’s defeat. The new government held its first cabinet meeting in liberated Dacca on 23rd December 19971 and was reported that 89.000 regulars of the Pakistan Army have surrendered in Bangladesh and five thousand of them had already been removed to India.

The Home Minister, Mr.A.H.M.Kamruzzaman, declared on 24th December, 1971 that the collaborators would not escape from justice, and a large number of collaborators, including former Governor, Dr.A.M.Malik, and Members of his Cabinet, were officially reported to have been taken in custody.

On 31st December 1971, the cabinet decided to set up an Inquiry Committee to probe into the dimension and extent of genocide committed by the Pakistani army in Bangladesh. The Prime Minister asked the MCAs and Awami League workers to submit data regarding genocide. A Presidential Order providing for the setting up of special tribunals to try collaborators of the Pakistan armed forces was issued.

The Prime Minister, Sheikh Mujibur Rahman, declared on 29th January 1972 that his government would not forgive those who were guilty of genocide in Bangladesh. Accordingly, in accordance with the Geneva Convention, the Government decided to set up two tribunals – one for the trial of persons accused of genocide and another for the trial of war criminals.

After the withdrawal in March 1972 of the Indian Army from Bangladesh, the Indian Prime Minister arrived in Dacca. In the public meeting on 17th March at Suhrawardy Uddyan attended by Mrs.Indira Gandhi, Sheikh Mujibur Rahman declared that the Pakistani Prisoners of War would be handed over to Bangladesh for trial.

The Government then appointed Mr.S.R.Pal and Mr.Serajul Haque (MCA) as Chief Government Prosecutors of the War Crimes Tribunals to try the Pakistani Prisoners of War accused of genocide. Indira Gandhi then on 12th July told in New Delhi that she considered war crimes trial issue to be bilateral matter between Bangladesh and Pakistan. On the eve of the first Victory Day anniversary on 16th December 1972, the Prime Minister reiterated that the trial of war criminals in Bangladesh would be held

Regardless of Government’s repeated pronouncement, the government soon realised impossibility of putting surrendered thousands of Pakistani Army personnel to trial, and on 17th April 1973 announced its decision to try 195 Pakistani Prisoners of War for serious crimes.

(The writer teaches Law at Brussels Catholic University and heads, Bangladesh Centre For Genocide Studies).


Partial list of the war criminals with accusations and charges

Bangladesh News (Voice of the Bangladeshis in Australia)/Dec 16, 1999
Registered as a newspaper in Victoria
Level 10, 459 Little Collins St, Melbourne Vic 3000, Australia
Naming The Names –Introducing The War Criminals (By: Ahmed Ziauddin)
[Excerpt] Following is a partial list of the war criminals with accusations and charges.

Name: Lt.Gen.Niazi
No: PA 477
Post held: Corps Commander, Martial Law Administrator Zone B

Allegations: The accused is alleged to have arrived incognito at least by the 1st of March in Dacca. Thereafter, he participated in a series of high level conferences where the military operations connected with genocide were planned and finalised. His participation was under cover. After he took over as Martial Law Administrator Zone B, the accused made a large number of public statements and issued a large number of orders in respect of the plan of genocide and the military operations connected therewith. He also took upon himself the whole responsibility for all criminal acts by men under his command and indeed for all acts of his troops during the military occupation of Bangladesh. Evidences are available about mass rape and the criminal violation of women by the men under his command. It is alleged that he was personally present on the scene of the systematic murder of Bangalee intellectuals on or about 12th to 16th December, 1971. He is also alleged to have visited the site for the plan of murder of intellectuals in Brahmanbaria prior to the commission of the acts. He is also alleged to have illegally detained at least 50 women and girls in Dacca “for his personal pleasure”.

Proposed charges: Conspiracy to wage aggressive war, conspiracy to commit genocide, conspiracy to commit crime against humanity, complicity in the commission of genocide and war crimes and crimes against humanity. Failure to maintain discipline, false arrests, rape, assault and battery and murder and criminal violation of international agreements.

Name: Major General Rao Farman Ali Khan
No: PA 1364
Post Held: Deputy Martial Law Administrator Zone B (as Brigadier in March 1969 to July 1970); from July 1970 Major General Civil Affairs)

Functions: To use the civil administration for the purpose of Martial Law, screening of civil servants before posting in districts, political appreciation through daily or weekly meetings either with civil officers or intelligence officers and feeding information to military junta in Islamabad.

Allegations: Participation in all secret meetings held by General Yahya Khan from 15th March onwards in Dacca Cantonment. Participation in all military exercises in Bangladesh. His recommendations and formulation of the master plan to eliminate all Bengalee intellectuals and Awami Leaguers and selection of time and date for army crackdown in Bangladesh in executing the master plan.

Proposed charges: Conspiracy to wage a war of aggression, conspiracy to commit genocide and crime against humanity, complicity in the commission of genocide, war crimes and crimes against humanity. Execution of plan of genocide and crimes against humanity.

Name: Major General Mohammad Hussain Ansari
No. PA 4404
Post held: Station Commander, Dacca (prior to 25th March 1971). Station Commander, Chittagong, G.O.C. 9th Division, Sub-Martial Law Administrator, Sector III.

Allegations: Evidence indicates that the accused was associated with and participated in planning of the military operations that were launched from 25th March, 1971. He appears to have attended a number of high level staff and operational planning sessions in which the details of the plan of genocide were finalised. In Chittagong, he was associated with and directed the operations designed to eliminate the Bengalee military personnel serving in Chittagong Garrison. When he assumed Command as GOC, 9th Division and Sub-Martial Law Administrator, Section III, he became responsible for a large area comprising Jessore, Jinadah, Barisal, Khulna, Khulna Port, Satkhira, Magura, Kushtia, Faridpur, Chaudanga, Gopalganj, Madaripur, Patuakhali, Bhola and Bagerhat. There is wide evidence of widespread mass atrocities including murder, torture, rape and arson in the area under his control or members of the formation under his command as from July 1971 till surrender.

Proposed charges: Conspiracy to commit genocide and crimes against humanity. Execution and direction of operations in pursuance of the conspiracy to commit genocide, mass murder, torture, rape, arson, false arrest and detention etc.

Name: Colonel M.Yakub Malik
No: PA 3837
Unit: 53 Field Artillery Regiment (53 Brigade 14 Division)
Post held: C.O.

Allegations: His unit was stationed at Comilla even prior to 25th March, 1971 and remained in Bangladesh till surrender. On and between the 25th and 29th March 1971, 300 Bangalee military officers and other ranks were disarmed and detained in Comilla at Brigade Headquarters. In addition, 1600 civilians were also arrested. On the 30th March 1971, batches of 15 and 20 persons from among those detained were taken out and killed in the precincts of Brigade Headquarters. In the same night with the help of petromax light, these bodies of persons killed were buried in mass graves in the cantonment limits. The accused was at all material times in Comilla and on the date of the killings was actually present through the day at Brigade Headquarters where the killings occurred.

Proposed charges: Execution of planned genocide, mass murder, torture, criminal violation of international agreements, false arrest and detention etc.

Name: Lt.Col. A. Shams-ul-Zaman (also known as Col.Shams)
No: PA 4745
Unit: 22 FFR and Infantry Battalion (107 Brigade, 14 Division)
Post: Assistant Sub-Martial Law Administrator (Khulna) till June 1971; Sub-Martial Maw Administrator (Jessore) July 1971.

Allegations: The accused was stationed at Jessore even prior to 25th March 1971. Later, he moved to Khulna and appears to have returned to Jessore. He was at all material times in Bangladesh. There is evidence of widespread atrocities in area Jessore-Khulna. For example, on 4th April 1971, military personnel of Pakistani army, in company strength, went to Chachara Mahalla of Jessore town and opened indiscriminate fire killing 200 persons. From March to May 1971, nearly 2000 persons in batches were brought to Khulna Circuit House, tortured and killed at Forest Ghat which is 200 yards from the Circuit House. During this period, the accused was living in Circuit House and personally inspected the torture chambers.

Proposed charges: Execution of planned genocide, mass murder, torture, criminal violation of international agreements, false arrest and detention, etc.

Name: Major Mohammad Abdullah Khan
No: PTC 5911
Post held: Deputy Sub-Martial Law Administrator, Sub-Sector 12, Brahamanbaria.

Allegations: On 21st November 1971, the accused is alleged to have taken some 50 persons from Brahmanbaria sub-jail and killed them at a place near Pairtala Bridge where subsequently 42 bodies were disinterred. Eyewitness accounts are available. This area was visited by Lt.General Niazi and Major General Majid Khan prior to the murder of intellectuals in Brahmanbaria. Evidence discloses a design to commit genocide in that area.

Proposed charges: Execution of plan of genocide, murder, false arrest, etc.

Name: Major Khurshid Omar
No: PA 4553
Unit: 614 Field Intelligence Unit, Jessore Cantonment.

Allegations: The accused was in-charge of field intelligence unit at Jessore Cantonment at least from March, 1971 till the surrender. He appears to have had responsibility for the collection of political intelligence and submission of intelligence reports of the political situation in that area. He was also in-charge in this connection with the interrogation and screening of Bangalee military and civilian personnel with a view to executing the plan of genocide; At least 900 persons were brought before him, interrogated and in many cases tortured under his order and or supervision. The accused appears to have specialised in devising ingenious instruments of torture.

Proposed charges: Execution of the plan of genocide, murder, torture, false arrest and detention and criminal violation of international law and agreements.

Name: Captain Abdul Wahid
No: PSS 8464
Unit: 30 FF

Allegations: The accused was posted in Dacca city at about the time of military crack down which commenced on the 25th March 1971. Evidence exists of his participation in the acts of murder, loot and arson that were perpetrated on that day in Dacca.

Proposed charges: Murder, loot, arson, failure to maintain discipline.

(The writer teaches Law at Brussels Catholic University and heads, Bangladesh Centre For Genocide Studies).


The Travail of Ashrafuzzaman Khan’s Infamous Diary

By Jamal Hasan

Who’s Ashrafuzzaman Khan? Why is it so important that we now know the content of his dairy? Please be patient and read this write-up. I will let you draw your own conclusion regarding the culpability of this man.

It was the first week of December of 1971 — it was also the final chapter in our nine month long days of fire and blood. Forces under the joint command of our valiant Mukti Bahini and the Indian army had almost encircled Dacca from all directions. But even as all seemed lost for the beleaguered Pakistani armed forces, sinister forces were at work at the Governor’s House determined more than ever to deliver the coup de grâce to the “upstarts” who had refused to accept the fate of a subject race. General Niazi was huddling with his comrade the infamous Major General Rao Farman Ali, and their chief troubleshooter, Major Siddique Salek. They had just received the list they had been expecting from Al-Badr and Al-Shams. Ashrafuzzaman Khan, a commander of the brutal Al-Badr, had just compiled a list of Bengali intellectuals for the “benefit” of the high command in the Governor’s House. It was the list of intellectuals who have been targeted for elimination. The plan was to kill them immediately so that if Bangladesh becomes an independent nation, it will have to make do without those that can contribute significantly to rebuild the infrastructure of the devastated nation. It would be Pakistan’s parting kick to Bangladesh, so to speak.

Many of the Bengali intellectuals listed by Ashrafuzzaman Khan were taken out of their homes in the dead of night in that eventful week of December in 1971. Needless to say, none of them lived to see the light of day. Even in the moment of their defeat, Generals Niazi and Ali must have relished the thought that they have forced Bangladesh to pay an extremely heavy price for its independence. It must have given them no little pleasure to imagine that Bangladesh will fall apart in no time without the services of so many of its leading intellectuals.

Bangladesh was liberated on December 16, 1971. Unfortunately, it took longer than it should have taken for the new administration to attend to its tasks. By the time the investigators arrived at the residence of Ashrafuzzaman Khan, he had fled. However, in haste, he had left behind a crucial piece of evidence. The investigators rummaging through his leftover items managed to recover that piece of the puzzle from his house. They found Ashrafuzzaman Khan’s diary. In it was that infamous list of intellectuals in his own handwriting. It was indeed a gruesome find that shocked the people. Ashrafuzzaman Khan was a wanted man. Photos of the suspect were posted in all Bangladeshi newspapers. People were urged to apprehend the criminal. But all this was too late. Ashrafuzzaman had managed to flee not just his residence, but his country as well by the time the search was on for his arrest.

Today, Ashrafuzzaman Khan leads an active life of all places in New York. He has assumed a role of leadership in the Islamic movement in the city. Ashrafuzzaman Khan is now the President of the Islamic Circle of North America. I was reminded anew of his terrible past as I read a recent issue of the Washington Post (November 1, 1999). It carried a statement by Ashrafuzzaman Khan on the tragic Egypt air accident. Ashrafuzzaman Khan was quoted as saying, “Sometimes, we face that we are helpless…. another man lost his parents. Nobody knows anything. Everybody is sad. But we have to put our faith in God.” This is coming from the man whose infamous list had left so many children without their fathers in that fateful week in December of 1971. What an irony it is that this conspirator par excellence of Bangalee intellectual killings in 1971, is now a dyed-in-the-wool humanist, after all these years! But, is he a humanist? No. He is just a wolf in sheep’s skin. That is what he is!

We, Bangladeshis, seem to be singularly devoid of self-esteem. Bangladesh had failed miserably to bring the war criminals to justice after the surrender of Generals Niazi and Ali on 16th December 1971. And today, Sheikh Hasina seems to be more interested in pursuing only those that had killed her kith and kin on 15th August 1975. No one seems interested to bring the killers of 1971 to justice. To me, this is the greatest travesty of justice in Bangladesh.

Of course, Ashrafuzzman Khan hasn’t quite been allowed to forget his criminal past. A few years ago, Shahriar Kabir, a leader of Ghatok Dalal Nirmul (Efface the killers and conspirators) Committee exposed the whereabouts of Ashrafuzzaman Khan who, needless to say, stoutly denies any wrongdoing. But editions of the directory of collaborators, “Ekatturer Ghatok Dalal Kay Kothai” (Where are the killers and conspirators of 1971?”) continues to carry Ashrafuzzaman Khan’s photo together with a print of the pages of his infamous diary.

The Nirmul (Efface) Committee has branches in almost all States of USA. Most of the members were very active under the leadership of Shaheed Janani Jahanara Imam. They had even sent a lawyer to assist the prosecution during the epoch making People’s Trial of Prof. Golam Azam and his cohorts. When will they go after Ashrafuzzaman Khan? In America, it shouldn’t be too difficult to force a war criminal to answer in a court of law. The million-dollar question is — who will bell the cat?

Jamal Hasan writes from Washington, DC. His email address is:

“Genocide’71 – an account of the killers and collaborators”, Published in Dhaka, Page 189: Segment where Ashrafuzzaman Khan (now in New York, and head of Queens branch of ICNA) is cited.

Similarly, Saudi Arabia is serving as a sanctuary for some of the leading Al-Badrs (leaders of death squads in 1971). Here we would like to give the example of Ashrafuzzaman Khan, one of the Al-Badr high command. Ashrafuzzaman Khan, was one of the chief Al-Badr executioners. It has been clearly proved that he himself shot to death 7 teachers of the Dhaka University in the killing fields at Mirpur. A certain Mofizzuddin, who drove the vehicle which took these helpless victims of Ashrafuzzaman to Mirpur, has clearly identified Ashrafuzzaman as the “chief executer” of the intellectuals.

After Liberation, Ashrafuzzaman’s personal diary was recovered from 350 Nakhal Para where he resided. On two pages of the diary, the names of 19 teachers of the University have been entered, as well as their addresses in the University quarters. The name of the Dhaka University Medical Officer, Mohammad Murtaza, has also been noted down in this diary. Of these 20 persons, eight were missing on December 14: Munier Chowdhury (Bengali), Dr. Abul Khair (History), Ghiasuddin Ahmed (History), Rashidul Hasan (English), Dr. Faizul Mohi (I. E. R) Dr. Munaza (Medical Officer).

From the confession of Mofizuddin, it has been learned that Ashrafuzzaman shot these people with his own hands. As a result of Mofizuddin’s confession, the decomposed bodies of these unfortunate teachers were recovered from the marshes of Rayer Bazar and the mass grave at Shiyal Bari at Mirpur. There were other names in the diary including the following: Dr. Wakil Ahmed (Bengali), Dr. Nilima Ibrahim (Bengali), Dr. Latif (I. E. R), Dr. Maniruzzaman (Geography), K. M. Saaduddin (Sociology), A. M. M. Shahidullah (Mathematics), Dr. Sirajul Islam (Islamic History), Dr. Akhtar Ahmed (Education), Zahirul Huq (Psychology), Ahsanul Huq (English), Serajul Islam Chowdbury (English), and Kabir Chowdhury.

On another page of the diary there were the names of 16 collaborating teachers of the University. Apart from these there were also the names of Chowdbury Moinuddin, the man in charge of the operation to kill intellectuals, Showkat Imran, a member of the central Al-Badr command, and the head of the Dhaka Badr forces.

Apart from the names of the slain intellectuals, the diary also contained the names and addresses of several other Bengalis. All of them lost their lives at the hands of the Al-Badr. On a small piece of paper the name of the Member Finance of the Pakistan Jute Board, Abdul Khaleq, had been written down, along with the name of his father, his Dhaka address, as well as his permanent address. On December 9, 1971, the Al-Badr took away Abdul Khaleq from his office. They demanded Taka 10,000 as ransom. The Al-Badr then went to Abdul Khaleq’s house carrying a letter from him in which he asked that the money be paid to his kidnappers. Abdul Khaleq’s wife was unable to give more than Taka 450 at the time. She promised that she would give them the rest of the money later, and pleaded with them to return her husband. But Abdul Khaleq never came back.

Ashrafuzzaman has also been implicated in the murder of some journalists. It was Ashrafuzzaman who kidnapped the shift-in- charge of the Purbodesh, and the Literary Editor, A. N. M. Gholam Mustafa.

Ashrafuzzaman Khan, was a member of the Central Committee of the Islami Chhatra Sangha. After liberation he went to Pakistan. At present he is employed in Radio Pakistan.
Update: Since publication of this book, Ashrafuzzaman Khan has moved to New York and now heads the Queens branch of ICNA (Islamic Circle of North America)


Tikka Khan

Tikka KhanTikka Khan (b. 1915 d. March 28, 2002) was Pakistan’s Chief of Army Staff from March 1972–March 1976).

Raja Tikka Khan was born in the village of Jochha Mamdot in Kahuta Tehsil near Rawalpindi, in 1915 (in what was then British India). He was a graduate of the Indian Military Academy at Dehradun, and was commissioned in 1939.

He fought in World War II as part of the Indian Army, and was injured on multiple occasions during the fighting. He was in action in numerous battles on both the Burmese and Italian fronts. He was also a prisoner of war for more than two years during the war, before he and his fellow troops escaped.

After his return from World War II, Khan was an instructor at the Indian Military Academy at Dehradun for some time. During the independence, Major Tikka Khan remained in what is now Pakistan, and became an officer in the Pakistan Army.

After Independence, he served in only one Artillery Regiment of Royal Pakistan Artillery, where he raised and commanded the first post partition Medium Regiment of Royal Pakistan Artillery, i.e., 12 Medium Regiment Artillery.

He was promoted to the rank of Major General in 1962.

Between the wars

Tikka Khan was promoted to the rank of Lieutenant-General in 1969. He was also the commander IV Corps at Lahore during the same time, a time when he earned a reputation of being a tough administrator and strict disciplinarian. Lahore’s Fortess Stadium was constructed under General Tikka Khan’s tenure as corps commander.

1971 Crisis

The 1970 elections in East Pakistan and West Pakistan resulted in a situation where Sheikh Mujibur Rahman’s Awami League won most of the seats (160 out of 300) whereas Zulfiqar Ali Bhutto’s Pakistan Peoples Party (PPP) won 81 seats. In the crisis that followed he was sent out by General Yahya Khan of Pakistan to put down unrest swelling in East Pakistan. Tikka took over Eastern Command (equivalent to a Corps) on 7 March 1971 after the previous commander Lt Gen Sahabzada Yaqub Khan resigned. Because of his role in the ensuing Operation Searchlight and Bangladesh Liberation War that began on 25 March 1971, Tikka is referred to as the “Butcher of Bengal” by Bangladeshis. He was the leading commander of the II Corps responsible for the defence on the Western front of the War in 1971. After a brief but notable stay at East Pakistan, he was then posted as the first commander II Corps at Multan and commanded through the actual Indo-Pakistan conflict in December.

Tikka was later superseded by Lt Gen Gul Hassan Khan, when he was selected as the Commander-in-Chief in December 1971.

Post retirement

Tikka Khan’s tenure ended in March 1976, and he was later appointed Defence Minister by Zulfiqar Ali Bhutto. Muhammad Zia-ul-Haq’s July 1977 coup led to the arrest of both Bhutto and General Tikka Khan. Bhutto was executed in 1979, after which General Tikka Khan emerged as one of the leaders of the Pakistan Peoples Party (PPP), becoming its Secretary General, during a time when many party stalwarts abandoned it. General Tikka was imprisoned numerous times for his political activities during the late 1970s and 1980s, until Zia-ul-Haq died in August 1988 in an airplane explosion over Bahawalpur. General Tikka Khan was appointed the Governor of Pakistan’s largest province, the Punjab, in December 1988. His tenure as the Governor was cut short by the dismissal of the Benazir Bhutto government in August 1990, after which he retired from active politics. During his tenure as Chief he directly influenced an entire generation of military personnel, imbuing in them qualities of professionalism and military duty.

Later life and death

General Tikka Khan died on March 28, 2002 after several years of illness. He received a state burial with full military honors and his funeral was attended by thousands of people, including the entire top brass of the Pakistan Army. In a message to the General’s son, Col. Khalid M. Khan, Benazir Bhutto, who had spent many years campaigning with the General, remembered him as a person who, “rose to the highest offices of this country due to his hard work and respect for the rule of law.”

From Wikipedia

Major General Rao Farman Ali Khan

Major General Rao Farman Ali Khan (1923 – January 21, 2004). He took commission in an artillery regiment in 1942 and later commanded the 26 Field Regiment. He was the artillery commander in East Pakistan from where he was promoted to the rank of Maj Gen in 1970 and was then the adviser to the governor of East Pakistan. During his tenure of services in East Pakistan in 1971, he was allegedly involved in the genocide and killing of the Bengali intellectuals. During his military career he was the Director General of Military Training and of Military Operations in the General Headquarters.

Hamoodur Rahman Commission Report

The Hamoodur Rahman Commission Report (HCR), denied the involvement of Pakistan army personnel in the murders of Bengalis. Gen. Farman Ali categorically denied the charge levelled against him that he had 200 intellectuals killed. The Bengali’s claimed these killings occurred on December 14, and not on December 16 of 1971, as General Farman contends. While the latter accepts that a sizeable number of corpses were found on the morning of December 17, he maintains that Pakistani army personnel could not have conducted the killings since they had already surrendered on December 16. According to Maj. Gen. Farman Ali on December 9 or 10, 1971, he was summoned by Maj. Gen. Jamshed to Peelkhana. On reaching the headquarters he says, he saw a large number of vehicles parked there. Maj. Gen. Jamshed was getting into a car and asked Maj. Gen. Farman Ali to come along. On the way, Gen. Jamshed informed Gen. Farman that they were thinking of arresting certain people. Gen. Farman Ali maintains he advised against it. On reaching General Niazi’s headquarters he says, he repeated his advice, but neither Gen. Niazi nor Gen. Jamshed responded. Gen. Farman Ali states that he does not know what transpired after he left, but he thinks no further action was taken.

Rao on Mukti Bahini and General Niazi

In his book, How Pakistan got divided , Maj. Gen. Rao Farman does express the fear that “orders countermanding the earlier orders were perhaps not issued and some people were arrested. I do not till this day know where they were kept. Perhaps they were confined in an area which was guarded by mujahids. The corps or the Dacca garrison commander lost control over them after surrender and they ran away out of fear of the Mukti Bahini who were mercilessly killing mujahids. The detained persons might have been killed by Muktis or even by the Indian army to give the Pakistan army a bad name. Dacca had already been taken over by the Indians.

Maj. Gen. Rao Farman Ali, Adviser to the Governor of East Pakistan said, in (HCR) regarding General Niazi”Harrowing tales of rape, loot, arson, harassment, and of insulting and degrading behaviour were narrated in general terms…. I wrote out an instruction to act as a guide for decent behaviour and recommended action required to be taken to win over the hearts of the people. This instruction under General Tikka Khan’s signature was sent to Eastern Command. I found that General Tikka’s position was also deliberately undermined and his instructions ignored…excesses were explained away by false and concocted stories and figures.

Rao’s controversial letter and diary

The Bangladesh Prime Minister Sheikh Mujibur Rahman, made a formal complaint with Prime Minister of Pakistan Zulfikar Ali Bhutto at Dacca on Friday, the June 28, 1974 that Maj Gen Rao Farman Ali had written on Government stationery that “The green of East Pakistan will have to be painted red.

Sheikh Mujibur Rahman promised to supply a copy of this document to the Government of Pakistan. The insinuation was that this writing amounted to a written declaration of the intentions of the Pakistani Army and the martial law administration in East Pakistan to indulge in large-scale bloodshed in order to suppress the movement for Bangladesh. This writing was put forward as a proof of the killings alleged to have been carried out in East Pakistan during the military operations.

Maj. Gen. Farman Ali explained the significance of this writing and the circumstances under which it came to be made by him. He stated that the words “the green of East Pakistan will have to be painted red” were uttered by one of the NPA leaders in Paltan Maidan, Dacca, now called Dhaka in a public speech during June 1970. The Martial Law headquarters thought that these words had been uttered by Mr Mohammad Toha of the NAP, and the General was asked to call for the explanation of Mr Toha and warn him not to say things prejudicial to public peace. To remind himself he wrote these words down on the back of his table diary, when they were repeated to him on telephone by Lt. Gen. Sahabzada Yakub Khan, the then Zonal Martial Law administrator in East Pakistan. Toha later denied having uttered these words and mentioned the names of Qazi Zafar and Rashid Menon in this connection. As these gentlemen had gone underground, General Farman Ali could not take any further action against them. The General further explained that as Mr Toha and his associates had communist leanings, these words were intended to convey their conviction and objective that East Pakistan would be turned into a communist state, and not that there would be bloodshed. Finally, Maj. Gen. Farman Ali has stated that he did not give any importance to this note and it must have fallen into the hands of his Bengali Personal Assistant, when the diary for the year 1970 was replaced at the close of that year.

Doubts on Rao’s version of 1971

He served in Dhaka cantonment for more than a decade and was involved in intelligence gathering, making strategic decisions and formulating policies. He was also involved in buying Bengali politicians to subvert nationalist movements. He was in charge of the civil administration, knew about Bangladesh more than his peers.

In the book ‘The Betrayal of East Pakistan‘, General Niazi described General Farman as an opportunist, a conspirator and a swindler. Niazi also said, implicating Farman’s involvement in the killing of the intellectuals, that Farman requested Niazi to send him back to Pakistan, for, “Mukti Bahini would kill him of his alleged massacre of the Bangalees and intellectuals on the night of 15-16 December. It was a pathetic sight to see him pale and almost on the verge of break down“.

When asked about Farman’s refusal to admit his involvement in the killing of the intellectuals Brigadier Siddique Saliq, another senior military officer during the war, said,” ….He (Farman) was the major general in charge of civil administration. As such nothing would happen which he would not know?…“.

In The Separation of East Pakistan, Mr Hasan Zahir, a Pakistani civil servant wrote: “ Major General Farman Ali was the executioner of Dhaka part of ‘Operation Searchlight’. He succeeded in ‘shock action’ by concentrated and indiscriminate firing on target areas…….

Brigadier Siddique Saliq in his book, Witness to Surrender, wrote,”The plan for operation Searchlight-1 visualized the setting up of two headquarters. Major General Farman with 57 Brigade under Brigadier Arbab, was responsible for operations in Dacca city and its suburbs while Major General Khadim Raja was to look after the rest of the province. In addition Lieutenant General Tikka Khan and his staff were to spend the night at the Martial Law Headquarters in the Second Capital to watch the progress of action in and outside Dacca…..

Mr Altaf Gohar, recounted an incident from his memory. One of Gohar’s friends told him that a hit list had been drawn up for elimination of certain Bangalis. A friend of his was also in the list and he requested Gohar if he could do something to save his friend. Gohar then took the matter to one of his close friends who was a common friend with Farman. Gohar’s friend met with Farman and requested him to drop the name from his hit list. ” Farman took, said Gaohar’s friend, a diary out of his drawer and crossed the name out. The name was of Mr Sanaul Huq and he was spared.” After civil war of 1971 Farman’s diary was recovered from the ruins of the Governor’s house. The copy of a page from the diary shows the list of intellectuals from Dhaka University. 14 of them were killed on 14 December, 1971.

It is said that Rao Farman suffered from the purity complex, where he believed that due to the Hindu influence, Bengalis were not pure Muslims. Farman firmly believed that the impurities of the Bengalis could have been mended if they were absolved of the Hindu influence.

Maj. Gen. Rao Farman Ali died in 2004 after a brief illness. He was 82.

From Wikipedia

আলবদর বাহিনীর তালিকা

ঢাকা বিভাগ

টাঙ্গাইল জেলা:
অপরাধী: আনিস- আল-বদর

ময়মনসিংহ জেলা:
অপরাধী: আশরাফুজ্জামান- আলবদর বাহিনীর প্রধান
মোঃ নুরুল ইসলাম-আল-বদর প্রধান
আল-বদর কমান্ডার- ক্বারী আব্দুল কাদের
আল-বদর-মো: আবুল বাশার (বাসায়েত)
আল-বদর কমান্ডার – সুরুজ
আলবদর- জুলু
আল-বদর – জি. এম. এনামুল হক,
আল-বদর মাওলানা জুবাদেয়দ আলী
আল-বদর- কাজী মউদ্দিন
আল-বদর-মো: ফয়জুল বারী
আল-বদররের জেলা ডেপুটি কমান্ডার-মাকসুদ
আল-বদর-মাওলানা আব্দুস সামাদ
আল-বদর-মো: আব্দুস সামাদ
আল-বদর-আ: কুদ্দুস মহুরী
আল-বদর-মো: আশরাফ আলী
আল-বদর- মওলানা এরশাদ উল্লাহ
আল-বদর- মওলানা আবুল কাশেম বালিয়া
আল-বদর- মাওলানা দৌলত আলী
আল-বদর- মাওলানা গিয়াস উদ্দিন
আশরাফ হোসেন, ইসরামী ছাত্র সংঘ, ময়মনসিংহ
শামছুল হক, সভাপতি, ইসলামী ছাত্র সংঘ, ঢাকা

ফুলবাড়িয়া থানা

জি. এম. এনামুল হক-আল-বদর
মাওলানা জুবাদেয়দ আলী- আল-বদর
কাজী মউদ্দিন- আল-বদর
মো: ফয়জুল বারী- আল-বদর
মাকসুদ-আল-বদর জেলা ডেপুটি কমান্ডার
মাওলানা আব্দুস সামাদ-আল-বদর
মো: আব্দুস সামাদ-আল-বদর
বদর-আ: কুদ্দুস মহুরী-আল-বদর
মো: আশরাফ আলী-আল-বদর
শেরপুর জেলা
মোঃ কামরুজ্জামান আল বদর বাহিনীর ডেপুটি চিফ অব কমান্ড
জয়নাল -আল-বদর বাহিনীর সেকেন্ড ইন কমান্ড
শাহজাহান চৌধুরী- আলবদর বাহিনীর রূপকারদের মধ্যে অন্যতম
আনোয়ার হোসাইন -আল বদর বাহিনীর অন্যতম রূপকার ও কর্নধার
কামরান, আল-বদর বাহিনী সৃষ্টির অন্যতম রূপকার

শেরপুর সদর
রাজাকার-জয়নাল – শেরপুর টাউন, শেরপুর
মোঃ কামরুজ্জামান, পিতা-ইনসান আলী, গ্রাম-কুমরি মুদিপাড়া, পোঃ + ইউনিয়ন- বাজিতখিলা, থানা+ জেলা- শেরপুর।
এ মান্নান, পিতা-মৃত মহিউদ্দীন মন্ডল, কাচারী পাড়া, জামালপুর,
হারুন উর রশিদ শেলি, পিতা-মৃত জসীমউদ্দিন, কাচারী পাড়া, জামালপুর,
আব্দুল বারী, পিতা-আব্দুর রহমান মঞ্জুরী, বগাবাইদ, জামালপুর,
সৈয়দ আশরাফ হোসেন, পিতা- মৃত সৈয়দ বিতাল মিয়া, মিয়াপাড়া, তবলপুর, জামালপুর,
প্রফেসর শরীফ আহমেদ, পিতা-মৃত জাফর আহমেদ, কাচারী পাড়া, জামালপুর,
মুক্তা, পিতা-মৃত জোবেদ আলী, কাচারী পাড়া, জামালপুর,
হাসেম, পিতা-মৃত আব্দুল লতিফ, কাচারী পাড়া, জামালপুর,
মোতাহার আলী, গ্রাম-ফুলকাচা, মেলানদহ, জামালপুর।
ফুলবাড়িয়া থানা
আলবদর-মাওলানা জুবাদেয়দ আলী, গ্রাম-জোরবাড়িয়া, থানা-ফুলবাড়িয়া, ময়মনসিংহ
আলবদর-জি. এম. এনামুল হক, গ্রাম-জোরবাড়িয়া
আলবদর-রিয়াজ উদ্দিন, গ্রাম-ভালুকা, থানা-ফুলবাড়িয়া, জেলা-ময়মনসিংহ
আলবদর-কাজী মউদ্দিন, গ্রাম-চৌদার, থানা-ফুলবাড়িয়া, জেলা-ময়মনসিংহ
আলবদর-মো: ফয়জুল বারী, গ্রাম-ফুলবাড়িয়া, থানা-ফুলবাড়িয়া, জেলা-ময়মনসিংহ
আলবদর-মাকসুদ, পিতা-মৃত মাহমুদ আলী, গ্রাম-বইলজান, থানা-ফুলবাড়িয়া, জেলা-ময়মনসিংহ
আলবদর-আ: কুদ্দুস মহুরী, গ্রাম-দণিপাড়া, থানা-ফুলবাড়িয়া, জেলা-ময়মনসিংহ

গফরগাঁও থানা
আলবদর-মৃত মাওলানা রিয়াজ উদ্দিন, গ্রাম-অললী, থানা-গফরগাঁও, জেলা-ময়মনসিংহ।

জামালপুর জেলা
আলবদর-মো: আশরাফ হোসাইন-আল-বদর বাহিনীর চীফ অফ কমান্ড বা আল-বদর প্রধান
আলবদর–আব্দুর সাত্তার (নূরুল) পিতা- ময়েজ মন্ডল, সাং-জঙ্গলপাড়া, থানা- জামালপুর সদর
আলবদর–আব্দুল কাদের, পিতা-মফিজউদ্দিন, সাং-জঙ্গল পাড়া, থানা-জামালপুর সদর

নেত্রকোনা জেলা
আলবদর-হেদায়েত উল্লাহ-আল-বদর প্রধান
আলবদর-হুমায়ুন কবীর, নেত্রকোনা
সামসুল হুদা-আল মোজাহিদ প্রধান

কিশোরগঞ্জ জেলা
আলবদর-মাওলানা আব্দুল হামিদ (সাবেক মাদ্রাসা সুপার)
আলবদর-মাওলানা আব্দুল খালেক
মওলানা আতাউর রহমান খান- ইসলামী পার্টির সাধারণ সম্পাদক
আলবদর-আব্দুল হাসিম

একাত্তরের যুদ্ধাপরাধ, মানবতাবিরোধী অপরাধ ও গণহত্যা সংশ্লিষ্ট অপরাধীদের তালিকা
ডা. এম এ হাসান
আহ্বায়ক, ওয়ার ক্রাইমস ফ্যাক্টস ফাইন্ডিং কমিটি
ট্রুথ কমিশন ফর জেনোসাইড ইন বাংলাদেশ
ফোন: ৮৯১৪৫০৬, ফ্যাক্স: ৮৯১৩৮১৯, মো: ০১৮১৭০০৭৯২১